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Show LEADING 270 FACTS MEXICAN OF NEW EARLY HISTORY SPANISH EXPLORATIONS 271 had passed through their country, and it is from this statement largely that Bandelier, Bancroft, Hodge, and some others believe that Alvar Nufiez Cabeza de Vaca and his companions passed through the country below El Paso, Texas, and the mouth of the Conchos river, forgetting that the Jumanos province extended far up into New Mexico; at least, there were villages of this tribe as far north as the Abo pass, east of Belen, in Valencia county, and beyond as far as the state of Kansas. After leaving this portion of the country of the Jumanos, the Spaniards continued up the river, but Espejo does not record assume that it was not until after the visit of Salas to the Jumano on the plains gradually in July-August, 1629, that this mission was founded, since the new friars did not arrive from Mexico until Easter of that year, and prior to that time no permanent missionaries were available even had the Jumano not been three hundred miles away on the prairies. We learn from the Relacion of Fray Estevan Perea, the successor of Benavides as Custodian of the missions of New Mexico, and under whose guidance the new missionaries came in the spring of 1629, that there were sent to the pueblos of the Salinas —‘in the great pueblo of the Xumanas, and in those called Pyros and Tompiros’—six priests and two lay religious, one of whom, Franciso de Letrado, is known to have been assigned to the Jumano alone. It does not seem necessary to look for the ‘ great pueblo of the Xumanos’ of which Benavides speaks, among the ruins of eastern New Mexico, from amongst the debris of which the massive walls of former Spanish churches and monasteries still rise, for it is scarcely likely that the Jumano occupied a village other than their own, or that the settlement was anything but an aggregation of dwellings of the more or less temporary kind which they were found to occupy when visited by Cabeza de Vaca and by Espejo on the lower Rio Grande.’’ In concluding his monograph Mr. Hodge says: ‘‘We may now summarize the testimony as follows: In 1535 and again in 1582 the Spaniards found a semi-agricultural tribe living in more or less permanent houses, some of them built of grass, on the Rio Grande at the junction of the Conchos in Chihuahua and along the former stream northward for a number of leagues. They subsisted partly by hunting the buffalo, and raised beans, calabashes, and corn. At the date last mentioned they were called Jumano, and the Spainards named them Patarabueyes. A distinguishing feature of the tribe was its tattooing, for which reason, when found east of the Rio Grande in New Mexico in 1598, they were called ‘Rayados’ by the Spaniards. They were erratic in their movements. The Franciscans established a mission among them in New Mexico in 1629, but it does not seem to have been successful, for the Indians appear to have been here today but elsewhere tomorrow. In the seventeenth century they were found on the plains of Texas, and again living on the prairies to the northward, evidently in Kansas, the name seemingly being applied to each of two divisions of the same tribe or confederacy. Their custom of tattooing, the character of their houses, and their semi-agricultural mode of life during the century they were first known, suggests relationship, if not identification with the Wichita people. References in unpublished Spanish documents of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries indicate that the Jumano of the Spanother a i¢ The ash, t \ of a division of the Wichita, was also the term by which Caddoan tribes knew the Wichita tribe proper. There is direct informaae vas beginning of the nineteenth century that the Wichita mountains, received their name because the Wichita tribe dwelt thereabouts, were ee ay at ‘Tawehash mountains,’ thus further subTacichesk oy a. z : Jumano and the Tawehash were one people. debdadihia seurts ieudincie . o iw ChiWhahin’ é ana cee Wichita proper, and their divisional New. ia , Ulkewise w Mexico, passed the term Jumano, which originating into Texas but seems to have been ‘Wichita.’ replaced by the name ‘Tawehash,’ which in turn was superseded by ‘«Thus is accounted for the disappearance of a tribe that has long been an enigma to ethnologists and historians.’’ Bandelier, than whom there is no better authority, in a note on page 80 of his Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, Final Report, part i, quotes from Espejo’s Relacion del Viage, ete., as follows: ‘‘Acabadas de salir de esta nacion, entramos en otra que se llama de dos Xumarias, que por otro nombre los llamaban los espafioles, los Patarabueyes, en que parecia habia mucha gente y con pueblos formados grandes, en que vimos cinco pueblos con mas de diez mil indios, y casas de azotea, bajas, y con buen a traza de pueblos; y la gente de este nacion est4 rayada en los rostros; y es gente crecida, tienen maiz y calabazas, y casa de pie y vuelo, y frijoles y pescados de muchas maneras, de dos rios caudalosos, que es el ono que dicen viene derechamente del Norte y entra en el rio de los Conchos, que este sera como la mitad de Guadalquibi, y el de Conchos ser& como Guadalquibi, el cual entra en el mar del norte,’’ and says, ‘‘A better and clearer description of the delta formed by the junction of the Rio Grande and the Conchos could not be wished.’? The other copy of Espejo’s report, in the same volume of the Docwmentos de Indias, p. 105, has distinctly ‘‘que se llama de los Jumanos.’’ ‘‘It is strange,’’ says Mr. Bandelier, ‘‘that there should be, so far as anything appears, such a long silence on the Jumanos of Chihuahua, after Espejo’s journey, for it is more than likely, it is almost certain, that they continued to inhabit the delta above mentioned. They were there in 1683, and of their own choice; no missionary had induced them to settle there. This is clearly established by the documents relative to the reconnoissance made by Juan Dominguez de Mendoza as far as the Rio Nueces in Texas in the year 1683. See El Diarto del Viaje de Juan Dominguez de Mendoza 4 la junta de dos rios y Hasta el Rio Nueces, Ms., copy in my possession, and more particularly by the documents annexed to it. See also Felipe Romero, Carta al Gobernador Don Domingo Gironza Petrie de Cruzate, and, Pedimento al Maestre de Campo Juan Dominguez Mendoza. Father Nicolés Lopez, who accompanied Dominguez, says the same in his Memorial acerca de la Repoblacion de Nuevo Mewico y Ventajas que ofrece en Reino de Quivira, April 24, 1686: ‘Y en la sazon halle, treinta y tres capitanes infieles de la nacion Jumanas y otras que venian 4 pedir el baptismo . . . nos fuimos caminando 4 pie y descalzos en compania de dichos infieles sin escolta de espafioles, hasta llegar 4 la Junta de los Rios ‘ donde nos tenian estos infieles fabricados dos ermitas aseadas,’ etc. Also Fray Alonzo de Posadas, Informe al Rey sobre las Tierras de Nuevo Mejico, Quvira y Teguayo, 1686. It is true that Dominguez calls these Indians Julimes, but from the context I must conclude that they were also Jumanos. It looks as if the two tribes had lived together at the ‘Junta de los Rios.’ In 1715, when the missions were re-established, the following tribes or clusters are mentioned as living at the ‘Junta’ in Los Titulos y Advocaciones de los once Pueblos contenidos en esta Relacion, Documentos para la historia de Mejico, cuarte seria, vol. iv, p. 169: Mesquites, Calealotes, Oposines, Conejos, Polames and Sivlos, Puliquis, Conchos, Pasalmes. These names are repeated, with many others, as those of tribes inhabiting New Biscay in 1726, by the Brigadier Pedro de Rivera |