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Show 97 all of the existing Indian groups and second, using the census data, it was planned to prepare and execute development programs with the Indians through-out the territory. The second objective could not be carried out and the first was only partially achieved since a government measure vetoed the continuity of the CIN by not granting an extension of its functions in July, 1968. Although the work was left unfinished, the CIN did manage to survey 14,000 Indian homes corresponding to 525 groups composed of nearly 76,000 individuals. The CIN divided the country into four zones: central-southern, northeast, north central and northwest. Field work was completed in the first two; only a few groups remained to be surveyed in the third zone; but practically no work was done in the fourth zone. The CIN managed to publish four volumes of the 14 planned. The first two contained provisional results of the central-southern and north-central-northeast respectively, and the remaining two were of final results from the provinces of Buenos Aires, Chubut, La Pampa, Santa Cruz, and the National Territory of Tierra del Fuego Antarctic and South Atlantic Islands. Kemper, Robert V., "El Estudio Antropologico de la Migracion a las Ciudades en America Latina," America Indigena, XXX, No. 3 (July, 1970), pp. 609-633. English summary: In recent years anthropologists have focused much attention upon the modernization of traditional societies and developing countries. Such a shift in research interests has been accompanied by a re-evaluation of the position of anthropology within the social sciences. The study of the urbanization process provides a case in point. Once the domain of the other social sciences, urbanization (in its many aspects) has now become fashionable as a research interest, especially among the younger members of the profession. For Latin America, urban anthropologists have so far concentrated their investigations on peasant migrants to the city, rather than to the analysis of urban culture as a whole. The present paper therefore, is an attempt to outline the present status of the anthropological study of cityward migration for Latin America. In order to make more meaningful comparative statements, the literature was analyzed under the following arbitrary (but convenient) categories: a) theoretical orientations; b) patterns of migration; c) causes of migration; d) the ideal-type migrant; e) problems of adjustment; f) process of mobility; and, g) fulfillment of expectations. A survey of non-anthropological studies, combined with the still meager stock of published anthropological works, indicates that little agreement exists among different researchers as to the nature of the migration process and its consequences. Of course, fragmentary knowledge limits comparative analysis severely until more research is carried out, the significance of rural-urban migration to the individual migrants, to the city, to the countryside, and to entire nations undergoing modernization will rest upon some well-worn truisms and many unsatisfactorily tested hypotheses. |