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Show 510 Appendix. Tl1e Sout11, the formiuablc South, of which we hear so much, constitutes thrn, at the present moment, so far as the white population, which is the clemrnt of strength, less than one tenth of t!te Union, but ~;o far as rc·~;ards the black population, which is the element of weakness, it is more than one half of the Union. Tlte Nortlt, the poor and contemptible North, that lives, as we arc told, upon the contributions of the South, possesses at this moment twenty millions of free white people who sell their own labor, while it contaius but a mill ion and a half of men, women, and children, of the class whose labor is sold by others. To compare the two, as regards strcngth 1 would be to compare the infant with the full-grown man, or the pygmy with the giant; and yet, this weak and insignificant South has been pcrmitterl to direct, and docs now direct, the policy of the Union. Sinbad like, the North has permitted the South to mount its shoulders, and to play the part of "the old man of the sea," until Northern patience has become at length exhausted, and Northern men have begun to calculate the real strength of the faction by which their destinies have been so long determined. The South desires now to purchase Cuba, to obtain possession of Hayti, to conquer 1\Iexico, to add the British and Fren ch \Vest Indies to the new Slaye Republic; then to open the territory of the Amazon to cultivation by slaves, and thus, in con cert with Brazil, to obtain, as it says, control of 11 the commerce of the world." Among the earliest of the measures required for the accomplishment of these great objects is the r eopening of the African Slave-trade, with the view to obtaining what is so much desired by English manufacturers and American planters, a cheap and abundant supply of slave-labor. This is a magnificent scheme, but what is it to cost, and whence arc to come the means for its accomplishment? A hundred millions have already been offered by the South for Cuba alone, and. the price of two hundred and fifty millions has since been mentioned. To purchase the control of Hayti would require many millions, and yet this would constitute but a very small portion of the very numerous millions that would be required for reintroducing Slavery into the other islands, and for rcl!stablishing the Slave-trade in the face of the unanimous decision of the world, that it is to be regarded as piracy, and treated as such. To do all this would require fleets and armies of great power, and if we add the cost of them to payments for land, it will, we think, be fair to say that the schc.me of the South cannot be carried into effect at a smaller cost than fifty millions of dollars a year, in addition to the ordinary expenditures of government. Since the South obtained control in 1829, it has swelled the expenditures from twelve millions to more than forty, and there is no reason to doubt that if Southern domination be continued, they will be swelled tv seventy,* or fifty millions more than would be required for the maintenance of a government administered on Northern principles. In the event of secession, however, the South- that is to say, the peo- *True, as inf;pired prophecy. Already, in 1850, only five years after this was pub-liBhod, tho oxpen~cs have run up to nearly $80,000,000 a year. J . R. ~Appendix. 5IJ pic of the eight States of the extreme South- would have to pay for the COI't of carrying out their schemes; and we may, therefore, proprrly inquire into the extent of their means for doing this. They have abou t two and a half millions of bales of cotton to sell, and at present priers those may be set down at about ninety millions of dollars. The sugar trade would perish from the moment of secession, and the sugar planters would be driven to cotton, the effect of which would be a large red ucti on in its price. 'Ve will, however, admit that the new republic may export cotton and rice to the amount of a hundred millions of dollars, or t •.. ., rntyfivc dollars per head of its Free and Slave population, and that is certainly the highest estimate that can be made. 'Vith this hundred millions it will have to purchase its silks and its laces, its cottons and w0ol lens, its wag-ons, carriages, and furniture; its axes and ploughs, its tnulrs and horses, and much of its food, and when these shall be paid for there \\'ill remain small means for maintaining the fleets and armies required for carrying into effect its numerous and extensive schemes of aggrandizement. It has now entire freedom of trade in by far the largest part of all the commodities required for its consumption, but under its new system, a duty of fifty per cent. upon all the commodities that entered within its limits woul<l by no means s11ffice for its expenditures. The first act of the new "free trade" Union would, of necessity, be an increased interference with trade. The Southern mode of carrying on a govrrnment is, howevf'r, chiefly by aid of loans. Under the Northern system, that prevailed from 1829 to 1833, we paid off our debt. Under the Southern one, that prcvailerl from 1834 to 18-!2, we contracted a new debt at six per cent., after having paid off one at three per cent. Under the tarifr of 1812, we commenced anew to reduce the debt, but when the South again obtained control of the government, we ran again into debt for the maintrnancc of war for the accomplishment of Southern objects. Such being the case, we may rcasonauly suppose that the new Slave republic would, in the Olltsct, endeavor to stretch its credit, and thus as far as possible avoid the necessity for taxation. Here, however, it would encounter great difficulties. Of the right States there arc three that have not yet paid their old debts; and until thry shall do so, they will never be permitted to contract a new one. Texas, Mississippi, and Florida arc now in a state of repudiation, and they would constitute three eighths of the new republic. Such a Union would have no credit even for the most laudable purposes, and still less when its object 'VI'as boldly proclaimed to be to "reopen the African lave-trade," to "pre· serve domestic servitude," and to "defy the power of the world." The commercial credit of such a community would be on a par " ·ith that of Algiers, Tripoli, Tunis, or any other piratical State. N :it her Eur~r)(' :Poor America would lend money for the promotion of such ObJects, particularly when it was clearly seen that the only effect of the accomplishment of Southern schemes would be to increase the quantity of Southern produce pressing on the market, and to diminish its pri c~. Every capitalist knows well that the larger the quantity of a commod1ty that must be sold, the poorer and more dependent must become its producer. Every such mau |
