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Show Appendix. of the Missouri Compromise, the bittcr pills must yet be swallowed. And let them also determine what regard is to be paid to, and what terror is to be felt at, the m enace of dissolution. THG SOUTH AND NORTIIEH.N INTERESTS. The Yast mnjority of the p eople north of Mason and Dixon's line has always belieYctl with Franklin, \Vashington, and Jefferson, that protection tencl~cl to in crease the Ynlue of labor nnd land, and to enrich b()th laborer ancll;tncl owner. \\Th cth cr right or wrong in this, the votes of their r('prcseJt t;t ti \'es h ave, on all occasions, proyccl that the bel i cf existed ; and it docs, certainly, exist to so great an extent that were n vote to he now taken on the qnc->tinn whether protection should be maintain ed or abandoned, apart from all c t.h er issues, an overwhelming mnjority would be found favorable to its maintenance. Snch being their belief, it would seem tr> be right and proper that they should be enabled to act in accordance with it; ancl yet, although almost thrice as numerous as the "·hites of the 'Jayc States, they hare rnrely been allowed to exercise the lightest influen ce u pon the action of govf'rlllncnt in reference to this most important subject. 'Vhy they have been so is, that in the fllavc States C\'cry white p erson votes for his JJI'OjJcrty as well as for himself; while in the Free ones men vote for thcm'lelrc::; alone. Jn the House of Representatives, five m illions of SouthC'rH whites countcrbabncc scvcn millions of Northern ones, and in the Senatr, the taxes paid by the North for the purchase and protectiou of Loni!;ia na, Florida, Arkansas, Texas, and Missouri , arc TC'lWCsentccl by ten sP natorial votes, and thus it is that Southern prop('rfy and N orth ern contributions for its purchase nrc made to work for the rnsla\'ement of Xorthern liH' ll. At the date of the passage of the t ariff of lt>28, Southern men like J\Iaclison and Jackson were still of the belief that protect ion wns in a high degree advantageous to the country. The latte r had then but, recently giren to the world, in the letter to Dr. Coleman, his o pinion that the country had been "too long dependent on British merchants," nncl that all that was r equired for assuring its independence was, thn t we shoulcl adopt a policy tending to enable a few hunurcd thousand m ore persons to become consumers of agricultural products, thereby diminishing to the same extent the number dt•pendcnt exclusively upon agriculture for subsistence. No one, however bigoted nn advocate of British free trade, can, as we think, now read that letter without being strongly impressed with the correctness of the Yi cws of its disting uished author, , 'outhcrn ns h e wn s .'K· Neither can any one compare the condition of the eountry in 1B:l3 with that which had existed bnt half a dozen years bcforr, without a rri\'ing at the COJtclusion that a continuance of what was th en clccmecl the democratic policy would long before this tirnc have placed the cotton, wooll e n, an<l iron '* Jackson wn" a gnod f!'Ollcral and an ahlo PrN:i dont, hut hiR opinionR on politiral oconr•lllY \\' \'1'0 ou titlod to no l'O!; Jl<'l' t. o ouo kncnv;.: thi~ fa•·t hcttrr tha11 tiro \\'ritcr of this :ir·tir!l'. It is llllwortlly nf a sc'rious ar~11rnorrt to introduce tho clap trap of a great narue whon it docs not r epresout a groat authority on the subject uuclor dis-cussion. J. R. Appendix. mnnufac~urcs in a condition no longer to ncccl protection. The democracy of that ttmc had, ho\\'cv r, never heard of the itlcn. that the existence of a servile class, whose members were liable to be bou~ht and solei ,v. 1 . , • tial to the mnintcnanl'c of r epublica n go,·crnmcnt *n' It' } · , , s e:o;sen - 1., '·ccn · 1· • " v SIIH'e ( lS-COVCrcd by those South,?arolina philosophcn;, at whose command the tariff of 1828 was repealed. 1 hat change was followed by speculation and bankruptcy, and by ruin to an :xtcnt rarely exec 'clrd in nny country -the consequence ~f Southern poltcy. Once ng:tin, in 1812, did the N orthern policy of p:otcctton to the free laborer prevail, but years were then required to rcp~tr the damage th~t hnd been procluccd, a n<l during tl10se years the free culttvators had to snflcr from the loss resulting fromlnrge supplies of food and wool, small ~1nrkcts, nnd. consequent low prices of all they had to sell. Furnace~ and mtlls were bmlt, but time was required to build them, and when bmlt, years were 11eccs ary for gi\'ing to those who worked in thPm the instruction nrcclcd for the ach·antagcous performance of their duties. The skilled labore~~ of 1833 had been dispersed by Southern policy, and thus had been sncnf1ccd an amount of N orthern capital ten times greater than could be repla ced in a similar t ime hy the profits of Southern trade. ~Vc beg ou.r re~dcrs to l~ok back and compare for thcmseh·es the high positton occnp1ecl m 1833 With the dcgn11lccl onp in wlti r h the country stood in 1842, and then to cletcrlll inc if t he loRscs of that period were not greater than would be compensated by even half a. cc11tury of connection with a people who, being buyers of lnborers, believe in the advantage resulting from the en slavement of the laborer. In the fi,c years that followc!l the passnge of the art of 1842, thc production of iron grew, as was stated by l\fr. 'Valker, to m ore than 800,000 tons, or nearly four tirncs the quantity produced in 18·12. The consumption of cotton grew from 200,000 bales to half a million, and manufactures of all other kind grew with vast rapidity. A clcmand was thus made for labor to be applied to the building of mills and fumaecs, the opeuiug of mines, the construction of machinery, and to the making of cloth, iron, and other commodities, far exceeding a hundred millions of dollars a year; ~mel the nrcc~sa.ry result of this was, that tl1cre was no longer heard, as in l 8H-i2, the cry of "Give me work! Only give me work! Make your own 1 erms, my wife and family have nothing to cat." On the contrary, the demand for lahor of every kind, skilled and unskilled, in creased so much more rapidly thnn the Stll)ply that wngrs rose gn•atly, and with every step in this progress, there waE; an c11 In rgcd {)O\\'er on the part of caclt member of this army of laborers to purchase the fruits of the farm, to the great advantage of the farme r. Nc\'Cr was a n•sn~citation so rapid and so complete; and it was a. direct consequence of the exercise by the free people of the Union, of the rig-ht of the majority to direct the policy of the country. Free labor had this time triumphed over SlaYc labor :mel its owners; but this did n ot suit the gentlemen who nrc now so anxious to insrlre the stability and pcnnancncc of Slavery by gh·ing a hundred millions '* What hls t!Lat idoa. to do with tho argument? 41 ~! J. R. |