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Show Discourse in Action: The Mobilization of the Million Man March Richard A. Vazquez school lunch program. The frustration with the Contract can best be expressed in a statement by John Prinner, secretary of Students for Peace and Justice at Kansas State University: "This may be a contract with rich America. It is a contract on the poor and inner-city residents, especially with cuts in social programs and a lift on gun bans" (Simon 1995). Despite the implications such policies would have for the Black community, we cannot automatically assume that their purpose is inherently anti-Black. Many Republicans in Congress support provisions in the Contract with America because of their fiscally conservative makeup, their adherence to the Republican party platform, and support they receive by Republican constituencies. Some government leaders may even regard the Contract's provisions as being blind to race, gender, and political party; they may see the Contract as a desirable ideal for all people. While some Contract supporters could have racist agendas at heart, it is unwise to label the entire document a complete and total perpetuation of an anti-Black hegemonic ideology. Farrakhan goes on to address the issue of the increasingly negative sentiment among Caucasian Americans toward affirmative action. "The recent Supreme Court decision on affirmative action has set the stage in the U.S. for closing the doors, thereby impeding the progress made in Black enrollment in, and graduation from colleges and universities" (Farrakhan 1995). There is a definite anti-affirmative action sentiment at work in the conservative Caucasian leadership. Republican California Governor Pete Wilson spearheaded the drive to eliminate affirmative action from all governmental programs in California via Proposition 209 (ironically named the "California Civil Rights Initiative"-an example of euphemism at work), which was passed by voters in 1996 (Sheppard, 1997). It should have caused no surprise that following the passage of Prop. 209, minority enrollment in California graduate schools dropped to lows not reached since prior to the Civil Rights Act. Another example of institutionalized anti-affirmative action sentiment can be seen in a development that arose out of the law school of the University of Texas at Austin. The U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that using race or ethnic background as criteria for admission to state universities is unconstitutional, in Hopwood v. State of Texas, 78 F.3d 932 (1996). The decision was appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, but it refused to grant certiorari, 116 S.Ct. 2581 (1996). These events notwithstanding, there is still the question as to whether "anti-affirmative action" necessarily translates into "anti-Black." Black men such as Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, writer Thomas Sowell, and political activist Ward Connerly (who helped spearhead grassroots support for Prop. 209) have continually voiced their opposition to affirmative action. Does this mean that they are false' ly consciousl Not necessarily. Many Black opponents of affirmative action have argued that the practice uses race as a crutch to give Blacks an unfair advantage in both university admissions and in the workplace. They argue that until Blacks and Whites are put on an even racial "playing field," true color-blind equality will never exist. Connerly expressed this point of view with his assertion that '"If we are to form a unified nation, we must see all as equals'" (quoted in Kirk 1997). This argument does not indicate a begrudging acceptance of an oppressive ideology, as stated in Gramsci's thin theory. Rather, an ideology widely viewed within the Black community as anti-Black is portrayed as one which eventually can uplift the Black race. Because of this possibility, we cannot automatically assume that anti-affirmative action sentiment is part of an anti-Black hegemonic ideology. What follows, however, probably is. Lino Graglia, a tenured law professor at the University of Texas at Austin, made the following statement at a press conference discussing the Hopwood decision: '"...Blacks and Mexican Americans are not academically competitive with whites.... They have a culture that seems not to encourage achievement.... Failure is not looked upon in disgrace'", (quoted in Roser 1998). Such a statement from a professor who teaches a class on discrimination and the law (more irony) suggests the presence of some free-floating stereotypes in mainstream America. In another section of his outline, Farrakhan links America's use of the death penalty to its institutionalized bias against the Black man. He describes the use of capital punishment as a "systematic genocide tool being institutionalized to significantly decrease the Black population." (Farrakhan 1995). While support of the death penalty traditionally has been linked to conservative points of view, some may consider thinking it "anti-Black" to be a bit of a stretch. Proponents of the death penalty over the years have included citizens and politicians of every color (and political party), many of whom believe that the death penalty is simply an appropriate punishment for the most vile of crimes. Still, statistics seem to indicate that Blacks are being disproportionately subjected to this type of sentence which theoretically does not discriminate on the basis of race. We should consider the following facts: Between 1930 and 1990, 4,016 persons were executed by governments in the United States. Of these, 2,129 were Black (Bedau 1992). Furthermore, Black offenders, as compared to those who were Caucasian, were executed more often for crimes which rarely receive the death penalty such as rape and burglary. In this same time period, a higher percentage of Blacks who were executed were juveniles, and Blacks were executed more often than whites without having their conviction reviewed by a higher court (Bedau 1992). At the very least, this indicates the existence of some double standard in recent history when America has implemented its harshest punishment. One of the final points which Farrakhan addresses is the portrayal of Black men by the media as "thieves, criminals, and savages-projected through movies, music, and other communications technologies throughout the world." One need look no further than any prime-time television crime 70 |
