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Show Women's Movements during Times of Political Change Erica Boca tion. The Committee was against provisions in the constitution which privatized public services and prohibited the elimination of sex discrimination. A referendum approving the constitution passed by only 2 to 3 percent (173). This may be an indication that the effectiveness of women's mobilization is improving. The women in Peru struggled for political change, and usually lost. The lack of multi-class participation produced movements that lacked mass appeal. The small gains of women's movements that did occur due to a multi-class, strategic-practical strategy infer that women's organizations can be influential, if they are organized appropriately. Though Peruvian women struggled to realize this formula, women in Brazil were much more effective in producing multi-class women's movements. The Brazilian Case Background on Brazilian Political Change Instability in the early 1960s caused the military to take over the Brazilian government (Martinez-Lara 1996, 14). Led by General Castello Branco, the regime adopted hardline authoritarian policies. The military tightly controlled the government; only four-star generals were eligible to run for president. The political rules were changed frequently so as to prevent leaders of popular movements from gaining power. Grass-roots political participation remained ineffective as a tool to influence the government (Cubitt 1988, 200). In 1969 both the Congress and the Supreme Court lost power (Martinez-Lara 1996, 19). The president and his military imposed a strict labor code which gave control of the labor movement to the government. The government formed an alliance with technocrats with an aim to introduce technological and modern advances into Brazilian society. Their goals were successful and the wealth of Brazil grew; during the 1970s Brazil's economy was the 10th largest in the world (Cubitt 1988, 201). However, the new wealth remained concentrated in the hands of a few, which increased the economic inequalities in Brazilian society. Abundant cheap, unskilled labor caused the minimum wage to drop (202). The unskilled workers who could find work had difficulty supporting themselves. The military used authoritarian measures to legalize massive layoffs and wage squeezes. The state, as the major economic and industrial power in Brazil, was able to effectively influence private sector and foreign business to the state's advantage (203). The economic success of the regime ended in the mid-1970s when oil prices tripled. Opposition candidates received unprecedented support in the 1974 election. Student protests became common during the late 1970s, and food riots were sweeping the country by 1983. A trillion-dollar debt (U.S. currency) in 1985 spurred an end to authoritarianism and a redemocratisation of Brazil (204). Due to the policies of the military regime, the poorest half of the population received only 3 percent of the nation- al income by 1984. The richest 10 percent of the population received 51 percent during the same period. The whole of society contained a variety of social groups with overlapping concerns, the majority of which did not benefit from economic growth (205). Women's Organizations in Brazil The beginning of Brazil's modern women's movements was marked by a unique approach to feminism. They rejected the traditional feminism of Betty Friedan as a "neurotic expression of resentment by the dominated - that one merely increases the existing antagonism." Instead, they identified with feminism that saw "women's oppression within a more global social structure and dialectically synthesized that struggle for justice" (Alverez 1994, 20). A young woman in Brazil marveled at the extent of female participation in political organizations, "... the number of women in the organization is enormous, really enormous. It's amazing how many militant women there are now" (Patai, 1988, 243). In 1975, the United Nations sponsored the Encontro para o Diagnostico da Mulher Paulista (the Meeting for the Diagnosis of the Situation of Women in Sao Paulo). From this meeting, the Centro de Desenvolvimento da Mulher Brasileira (CDMA, or Center for the Development of Brazilian Women) evolved. It advocated organizing within a more global social structure (Alvarez 1994, 21). In 1975, the middle-class women involved in the Feminist Amnesty Movement started a newspaper called Brasil Mulher, targeted at lower-class women. An openly feminist group started N6s Mulheres in a similar tradition, with middle-class women targeting lower-class women. They stressed that women needed to mobilize in their individual political spheres. During the early 1980s, women of all classes mobilized together by trying to "feminize" popular struggles. Middle-class women focused their efforts on the problems of lower-class women until the political climate became more open to political change and strategic gender interests (22). Adequate day care became the primary concern of women in Sao Paulo. The Movimento de Luta por Creches (MLA, or Struggle for Day Care Movement) mobilized for this practical gender interest on a regional basis. By 1989, the MLA had made impressive advancements in local governments (33). During the First Paulista Congress in 1979, women's groups were productive because they balanced strategic gender interest with practical gender interests (27-29). However, in 1979 exiled feminists received amnesty from the Brazilian government. Many outspoken feminists returned from exile with new ambition for the Brazilian feminist movement. In general, feminist groups became more radical (31). This phenomenon caused political divisions among women during the Second Paulista Congress in 1980. The strain on women's groups continued in 1981 when democratization began and political parties started to align. A main source of contention and conflict arose between practical and 10 |