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Show Hinckley Journal of Politics Autumn 1998 strategic gender interests (31). Consistent with Molyneux's doubts on the stability of multi-class groups, many of them splintered into nonexistence. In contrast, single-issue and single-class groups remained intact. Groups with strategic interest goals stayed together because the goals of their organization were solid. Lower-class and urban groups faced little adversity because they rarely were recruited to endorse political parties. Middle-class organizations turned their efforts to different forms of political activity: interest groups and lobbying. Their ties to grassroots activity weakened extensively (35). It almost appeared that multi-class women's movements did not work. However, as political parties searched for grassroots women's movements with which to align themselves, they chose groups that offered a broad base of political support. Such groups consisted of middle-class women who supported the practical gender interests of the lower class. Political candidates promised to champion women's interests and both main parties prominently supported female candidates (34). After the election in 1992, newly-elected Governor Franco Montoro established the Conselho Estadual de Condicao Feminista (State Council on Women's Condition) (38). The Council had no administrative powers; it only held an advisory role. Women's movements adopted a dual approach to government influence. They participated in interest-group politics and grassroots politics. Because women worked with and supported the Council, several improvements were made. Women were given more reproductive freedom, violence against women was more thoroughly prosecuted, and "women's spaces" were secured in local governments (40-41). The Conselho Nacional dos Diretos da Mulher (National Council on Women's Rights, formed in 1985, made further advancements for the interests of women. The CNDM ensured that women's interests found a place in the new constitution. Lobbying efforts by the CNDM and mass mobilization of women secured reproductive rights, social benefits, maternity leave, day-care benefits, and workers' rights to women (41). Women in Brazil made significant advances; however, some rights, such as the right to abortion, were denied. Other legal provisions that were made for women were never fully implemented or enforced. Yet, the quality of Brazilian democracy surely benefitted from the widespread grassroots involvement of the Brazilian women. Because of these movements, a greater number of people have realized their voice in government and have a greater confidence in effecting political change (Mainwaring 1989, 168-169). Mobilizations in Brazil for practical gender interests, such as day care or maternity leave, were highly effective. But women in Brazil also advanced their strategic interests. Because all classes worked together, some immediate and long-term goals were met. The standing of all women in society was improved. Conclusion Brazil and Peru serve as excellent illustrations of why class is an instrumental element in the political success of women's movements. When mobilizations span class divisions, they build enough political support to demand attention from the government. Of course, multi-class groups are not easy to maintain. They must incorporate both strategic and practical gender interests into their agendas in order remain valid to the participants of the classes involved. Women in Peru failed to compromise strategic and practical gender interests. As a result, classes tended to work individually with separate aims. They were also virtually ineffective in influencing political change during the foundation of their new government. After the establishment of the government, women of different classes did start working together. However, their future goals will be more difficult to meet because a foundation for women's rights is not built into their constitution. In contrast, the Brazilian women's mobilization strongly impacted the nature of the new government. Much of their success can be attributed to their insight on class relations and the initiative to combine both strategic and gender interests in their agendas. The precedent that has been set for women's rights in Brazil will continue to work to their advantage as they continue to mobilize for women's needs. References Alvarez, Sonia E. 1994. "The (Trans)formation of Feminism(s) and Gender Politics in Democratizing Brazil." In The Women's Movement m Latin America: Participation and Democracy, 2nd edition, ed. Jane Jaquette. Boulder: Westview Press. Barrig, Maruja. 1994. "The Difficult Equilibrium between Bread and Roses: Women's Organizations and Democracy in Peru." In The Women's Movement in Latin America: Participation and Democracy, 2nd edition, ed. Jane Jaquette. Boulder: Westview Press. Cubitt, Tessa. 1988. Latin American Society. New York: Longman Scientific and Technical. Dietz, Henry. 1992. "Elites in an Unconsolidated Democracy: Peru during the 1980s." In Elites and Democratic Consolidation in Latin America and Southern Europe, ed. John Higley and Richard Cunther. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. Herzog, Kristin. 1993. Finding Their Voice: Peruvian Women's Testimonies of War. Valley Forge: Trinity Press International. Mainwaring, Scott. 1989. "Grassroots Popular Movements and the Struggle for Democracy: Nova Iguacu," In Democratizing Brazil, ed. Alfred Stepan. New York: Oxford University Press. Martinez-Lara, Javier. 1996. Building Democracy in Brazil: The Politics of Constiutional Change, 1985-1995. New York: St. Martin's Press. Molyneux, Maxine. 1985. "Mobilization without Emancipation? Women's Interests, the State, and Revolution in Nicaragua." Feminist Studies, ll(2):230-235. Patai, Daphne.1988. Brazilian Women Speak Out: Contemporary Life Stories, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 11 |