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Show being the very population it aimed to serve."3 This journalism often reflected the aspirations of a community, not necessarily the realities. The optimistic language of boosterism was often slathered with adjectives and superlatives to entice settlers to the vision of what the town could becomc.4 However, taking into account this " third journalism" of boosterism would still oversimplify the diverse landscape of the American press moving into the twentieth century. This time of transition and diversity in the American press was also a pivotal moment for the American conservation movement. Frederick Jackson Turner's Tire Frontier in American History quoted from the bulletin on the 1890 census as follows: "Up to and including 1880, the country had a frontier of settlement but at present the unsettled area has been so broken into by isolated bodies of settlement that there can hardly be said to be a frontier line. ln the discussion of its extent, its westward movement, etc., it cannot, therefore, any longer have a place in the census rcports."5 With the frontier declared c losed, Americans' appreciation for the remaining wilderness grew. As enviromnental historian Roderick Nash wrote, " It is a case of the old idea of valuing something only when threatened with deprivation. It is also an example of the tendency for love of wilderness to increase in proportion to the degree of civilization. Cities, not log cabins, produce Sierra clubbers.',6 l Daniel J. Boorstin, The Americans: The National Experience (London: Phoenix Press, 1965), 124 'Julie Dagenais, ·'Newspaper Language as an Active Agent in the lluilding of a Frontier Town," American SpeechXLII, no. 2 (May 1967): 115. s Frederick Jackson Tumer, The Frontier in American History (New York: Henry lloh and Company, 1921), 39. Roderick Na~h. 'The American Invention ofNa1ional Parks;' American Qucmerfy 22, no. 3 (Autumn 1970): 728. 6 |
