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Show 372 TIIE AGITATION IN 1 47-50. Extracts of Speech of Mr. llonston, of Texas, on Mr. Clay's compromise Resolutions, J?eb. 8, 1 30. Mr. llouston said, the North con tcud that they have a right to interfere with the subject of Iavory, hence the \Viimot proviso. The South contend that the North has no such right-no right to interfere with the subject of slavery anywhere; and hence the principle is contended fot· that ConoTcss does not possess this power as applicable to the territories-no power arising from the terms of the union between the North and the South-none growing out of the Constitution by which they arc bound together. Nor do I believe that Congress has, under ihc Constitution, any authority to impose upon States asking for admission into the Union any condition whatever, other than that of having a republican form of government. In ibis view I am sustained by high authority-no less than that of a statesman of long cxperieuce and distinguished reputation; I allndc to the senator from South Carolina, who is now aLscut from his scat [Mr. Calhou11]; and in ment.ioning him, permit me to express my siucerc regret for tLc cause which has withheld biru from the dischnrge of his duties in this llonso. No one feels more sympathy for his physical sufferings than myself. That gentleman, in laying down his principles upon this subject in 1847, declared tllcm, in a resolution of that day, almost iu the terms of the rc~lution just read. I had not the benefit of ihe light of that resolution when I drew the one submitted by me; but I believe, had I possessed it, I could not have been more fortunate in the expression of the very view which I entertained. * * * * * * * * I regret that the disposition to interfere with the institu-tion of slavery, to inhibit the exercise of their rights to the Southern States and people; rights which all free people have to regulate their own domestic iustitutions-exists at TilE AGITA'l'lON IN 184 7-50. 373 o.ll at the North; that any shonld wish to iutcrferc with, or obstruct, the rights of the people of the territories to adopt such form of rcp uLlican government as they may choose; for they wonld, subscqnenily to their admission to the Union as St<n~ tcs ' ha< ve the obvious right to modify their constitution 80 as to adopt or prohibit slavery accoruing to their O\Yn will and pl easure. But I do not charge this disposition upon the people of the North, and to .d.o so is, I thi~1k, to dit~conrugc our friends there, and to mtsntform and mt 'lend the South. We ought to draw the line distinctly between those who are disposed to support the Constitution lJy sn - t am· i·n 0r r t11e 1·ioo ·hts of the South ' and those who are willing to carry on a crusade against rights prc-exi. tent to the Con - stitution of the Union itself. If the power, Mr. President, is not clearly and definitely given to the Congress of the United States. to le.gislate upon the snbject of the territorial governments, 1t stnkes me thn t there is great force in the position, that to assume it woulcl be to violate a fundamental principle of our government, which is, that the people (by which I understand the people of the territories as well as the people of the States) have the right of self-government under the Con titution. ~ o ngress has the power to make needful rules and . regulatiOns for the territories and other properly of the Umted States; but these rules are temporary. 'rhcy may apportion the land, and they have a right to do whatever may be necessary in order to dispose of it. 'l1hey may provide for the boundaries of the territories, in order to give them compactness and judicious dimensions, and they have power. to authorize the formation of territorial governments, to exist no longer than until it may be convenient for the people. to legisl.aie for themselves. Such arc the po,vcrs nccessanly resultmg from authority dclcrratcd by the Constitution to Congress, but beyond this, I think, we cannot safely go. |