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Show 200 TilE MISSOURI QUE:::3TION. fallen into distress, his neighbors surronnd him to offer re· lief: Some, by an attempt at condolence, increase Lhe grief wh1ch they would as uagc; others, by administering remeclic~,. iuflame the disorder; while other , afl'ccLing all tho solicitude of both, actually wish him dead. It is so with liberty. Always in danger-often in distress-she not only snLfc rs from open and secret foes, but officious and unskillful friends. And among the thousands and millions that thronO' her temple from curiosity or policy, how few-very few~ there arc, who arc her sincere, faithful, and intelligent worshipers? Among these few, I trust, arc to be found all the advocates for restriction in this IIouse. And I readily admit, that most of those out of doors, whose zeal is excited on this occasion, arc of the same description. But is it not probable that there arc some jugglers behind the screen who arc playing a deeper game-who arc combining to rally under this standard, as the last resort, tho forlorn hope of an expiring party. But while we admit this in behalf of the respectable gentlemen who advocate the restriction of slavery in Missouri, wo ask, may we demand of thera the same liberality. We are not the advocates or the abettors of slavery. ) For one, sir, I would rejoice if there was not a slave on earth. Liberty is the object of my love-my adoration. I would extend its blessings to every human being. But, though my feelings are strong for the abolition of slavery, they a:c yet stronger for the Constitution of my country. And, If I am reduced to the sad alternative to tolerate the holding of slaves iu Missouri or violate the Constitution of my country, I will not admit a doubt to cloud my choice. Sir, of what benefit would be abol ition, if at a sacrifice of your Constitution? Where would be the guarantee of tho l.ib~rty which you grant ? Liberty bas a temple here, and It IS the ouly one which remains. Destroy this, and she THE MISSOUlU QUESTION. · 201 must flee-she mn. t retire among the brutes of the 'v\ i1c1crness- to mourn and lament the misery and folly of man. The proposition for the con. idcration of the committee i , to abolish slavery in Mi~:;sonri, as a condition of her admis-sion into the Uuion. This Constitution, which I hold in my lmnd, I am sworn to support, not according to l c~i s lativc or judicial cxpoRition, but as I shall understand it; not as private interest or public zeal may urge, but as I shall believe ; not as I may wish it, but as it is. I have carefully examined this Constitution, and I can find no such power. I have looked it through, and I am certain it is not in the book. This power is not express, and if given at all, it must be constructive. This amplifying power by construction is dangerous, and will, not improbably, effect the eventual destruction of tho Constitution. That there are resulting or implied powers, I am not dis-posed to deny ; but they arc only where the powers are subordinate and the implication necessary. All powers not granted are prohibited, is a maxim to which we cannot too religiously adhere. * * * * * * llow comes it that Congress can prohibit a transfer of a slave from one State to another, and under this power to regulate commerce, when they are expressly forbidden to compel a vc scl bound from one State to enter, clear, nor pay dnties, in that of another? If Congrc. s bas this power under this clause in the Constitution, then slaves arc to be prohibited as commerce. And, sir, where is the authority to prohibit the transfer of an article of commerce from State to State? A man leaves a State to go into another with his family, slaves, cattle, and implements of husbandry, to clear up and culti |