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Show 222 TilE MISSOURI QUESTJON. doubt, n,wakcn some distrust in the infallibility of human rott~on in every ingcnuo11R mi nd. And, Mr. Chairman, when we consider the infiuencc of pul>lic opinion ou the harmony and stability of this Union, it must always bo a matter of regret that the government should exercise powers that arc doubtful, or even diHputed. Until habit and custom have had their wonted c{l'cct in cementing tho Union, its strength aud permanency must rc 't on tho a[ectious, the undivided a[eciionfJ, of the people, and nothing is more likely to weaken their attachment Limn a want of confluence in this llouse, tho natnru.l guardian of the people's rights, and their immediate rcpre-ccntativcs. Jllarvh 2. Mr. Stevens, of Connecticut, said: In this question of compromise now to be dcciucd, I am more fortunate, I now have the floor, and. must :1Vail myself of this first opportuuity to state, explicitly, that I have li stcncu with pain to the very long, protracted debate that has bccu had on this unfortunate question; I call it unfortunate, sir, bec:wsc it ha. drawn forth the worst passions of man in the conrsc of the discw-1sion. I have heard gentlemen, and I must in candor Ray, gentlemen on both sides of the question, boast of sectional powers, and sectional avhievemenls; anu rcminu ~cntlcmcn from opposite sections of the Union that they had not so fought and so couquorcd; or left sueh con· elusion irresistibly to follow. I want, and the manifest public good requires that the reverse of this language should be holden. Let each gentleman boast the valor of the inhabitants of an opposite , ecLion of the Union, then all get the pmiso dne them, and in a way infinitely more acceptable to gentlemen of becoming modc: ty; and surely if any people ever mcriLccl all the prui .. c that has bern arrogated instead of being bestowed, the American people do. But it is not the inhabitants of any section of .A.mcrico. that exclusively .. TITE MISSOURI QUF.STION. 223 merit all their oxn.ltcd prai~o;c ; but tho Union collrctivcly. ln casting my eye ovor the mnp of n1y conntry, I Rcarcely discover a Rpoi on it bui is rendered memorable as tho birlh-place of some sngc, h ro, or philosophet·; if these occur mo. t frcqucnLiy in Connc ticut it is very well-if most frcqncuily in some other taLc, very well-it is Rti ll my conntry. Shall I forego every joy of my life l>ccam;c tho immortal Washington was not l>oru in the ilate, of very cir . cnmscri bctl ]imit.s, in which I wns born? Preposterous thoughL I lie wn,s born in America. 'fhat is cnoup;h for me. J J is glory reaches us, bottomed 011 merit., 11.11<1 :-;eorn the proiT•rc(l aid of moulclering mn.rhle to pcqwt unto it.. J f the dcadlie:-;t enemy this country has, or ever had, could di ctate langunge the most likely to uc:troy your glory, prosperity, and happiness, would ii not be precisely what h:Ls h 'en so profuse ly us u in tltis debatesectional vaunting? Most UtHl ouhtc<lly it would. If tho fell Spirit of Di, cord, the prime mov r of sed iLion and rebellion in the heavenly realms, should ra ·k his hell ish invention for ihc same mali ·iow; purpose, he would undoublctlly pull the cord of sectional prowess; ho wonld magnify the valorous <.leeds of cnch particular late or party division, anrl di ·tort or obliterate !til the rest. 'l'hc arch planncr of the ftrst sedition and rebellion must for ever despair of improving on the sad invention. But, sir, gentlemen start at the mention-Why do this? You holu your scats by tho tenure of compromise. 'J1hc Constitution is a orcatore of compromi c; it originatc<l in n. compromise; and has exi ted ev r since by a perpetual extension nud exercise of that principle; nnd mnsi continue to do so, as long as it lusts. When your Convention met for its formation, they immediately di. covcrc<l that the gcn 'rnl wel fare, tho object of thcit· sol icit utl e, cou1d not be Rccur<'d and perpetuated, without giving np something like particular rights; and ihis giving np of particular rights, to secure the great end 'I I |