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Show 384 TilE AGITATION IN 1847-50. there is no fear that they ever will be. They arc worthy the church, and do honor to the hca<1s and hearts of the meinbers of the Assembl.Y by whic.:h they were so unanimously adopted. There arc no clements of political disunion in this church; no snapping of any strands, however delicate forming her religious cords, to draw forth from the patrio~ Christian "Such. tears as patriots sl1 ocl for dying laws." In the preservation of the Union of these States lie all our hopes of happiness as a people-of our peace, prosperity, and strength, as a nation. \Vhat patriotiHm is to the citizens of other countries, unionism should be to ns.-the noblest passion that animates man in the character of n. citizen. Attachment and devotion to the Constitution ancl to the Union is a deeply-seated ~ 'cling in the heart of every American. It should be cherished and fostered with care a.s a vital J~ri.nciple, never to he surrendered nntil every sen~ timellt of c1vil liberty shnll be cxtingui1-ihed forever. Extract from the speech or Mr. Thomas Ross, of Pennsylvania, in the IIonsc of Representatives, April 10, 1850. Mr. Ross said: Congrc. s has no constitutional power either to establish or to prohil>it slavery in the Stales or territori es. .And I will furth c1· say, that oven if Congress had the c~nstit~tional power, it would lJc unwise, inexpedient, nnd h1ghly Improper to exercise that power. In justice to myself, I will, in a few words, give my reaso~ s for this opinion. ]Jach State was an inclepcndcnt sovcrewnty when she entered the conf'cclerncy, so fur, at lea. t, as regarded the olJjects of property, nn t1 the dotneHtic and social in litutions of her 1wople; ~llHl ~ he sun·cnd <• red no part of that sovereig11ty by becoming a member of the Union. T~c general g~ovcmment was c. tablishc~d for certain specified ObJects, nnd ILl'; powers ure lilllit cl1 b.y the constitutional THE AOPrATTO:\ IN 18L17-G0. :S85 grant which created it; but to the States tl~cmselves belong all powers not expressly delcgatrd, or wh1ch, by necessary implication, do not nrisc from some. 'XJ_m·~s grunt. At the time of the aclopLion of the ConstttutiOn, nrgro slavery, I believe, existed in all the StaLes but one, whieh then formeu the Union; and no power was given to the general government to control, regulate, prohibi t, or estaulish slavery. 'l'hat power not being granted, was vestc·<l in the States themselves. 'l'hc ConsLituLiou, however, recognized. slavery as 0110 of t.hc institutions of the country, an<lmatlo proviHion for the protection of slave property. There was no gran t, therefore, of powf>r of any kin<l on the suhj<·et of sln.very made by the Statrs to the general government; but there was 11 binding obhgalion entered into by the fr c S tate~, or by such as might become fre e, that the general government should prolt'Ct slave properLy. It see m ~ to me, therefore, that as the Stales dclcgn.tcu to the g nernl government no power of any kind over the question of slavery, Congress, which derives all its powers from the Constitu tion, possesses no authority either to csta.hlil->h or proh ibit slctvery in the States or territories. In rcgaru Lo the territories, Mr. Chairman the o-encral government is but Lhe trustee of the State. ; ' b nnd it has no power to make any rule or regulation which will throw open the territories to settlement by the people of one section of the Union to the exclusion of the people of anothet·. The beneficiary interest of the territories is in tbc people of all the States-slave SLates as we11 as freeand the general government, us Lhc tn1. Lee, is bound to execute tbc trust for the common lJeneftt of all. A.ny legiDlation by Congress, prohibi ti ng slavery in the territori<;s, would, therefore, he noL only an assumption of power not delegated, but would be a violation of the trust which the Constitution vested in the general government. But sir I fur ther hold that the general u-overnment has I I 1 '-' no power to prohilJit, by any legislative act, the introduc· 25 |