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Show 118 'l'IU~ ~'l'A'l'E CONVILNTIONS. into its own territories. What could the Convention do more? The members of the Southern States, like ourselves, have their- prejudices. It would not do to abolish slavery, by an Act of Congres ·, in a moment, aud so destroy what our Southern brethren consider as property. But we may say, that although slavery is not smilten by apoplexy, yet it has receiveu a mortal wound, and will die of consumption. Gen. Heath said, the paragraph respecting the migra-tion or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, &c., is one of those considered during my absence, and I have heard nothing on the subject, save what bas been mentioned this mom· ino- · but I think the gentlemen who have spoken have car- o' ried the matter rather too far on both sides. I apprehend that it is not in our power to do any thing for or against those who are in slavery in the Southern ) States. No gentleman within these walls detests every idea of slavery more than I do: it is generally detested by the people of this commonwealth; and I ardently hope that the time will soon come when our brethren in the Southern States will view it as we do, and put a stop to it; but to this we have no right to compel them. Two questions naturally arise. If we ratify the Constitution, shall we do anything by our act to hold the blacks in slavery? Or shall we become partakers of other men's sins? I think, neither of them. Each St:tte is sovereign and independent to a certain degree, and tho States have a right, and they will regulate their own intemal affairs as to themselves appears proper; and shall we refuse to cat, or to drink, or to be united, with those who llo not think, or act, jnst as we do? Surely not. We are not, in this case, partakers of other meu's sins; for in nothing do we voluntarily encourage tlle slavery of our fellow man. * * * * * THE STATE CONVEN'l'lONS. 119 Mr. P esident: After a long and painfnl investigation of the Federal Constitution, by paragraphs, this honorable Convention is drawing nigh to the ultimate question-a question as momentous as ever invited the attention of man. We are soon to decide on a system of government, digested, not for the people of the commonwealth of Massachusetts only-not for the present people of the United States only-but, in addition to these, for all those States which may hereafter rise iuto existence within the jurisdiction of the United States, and for millions of people yet unborn; a system of government, not for a nation of slaves but for a people as free and virtuous as any ou earth ; not' for a conquered nation, subdued to our will, but for a people who have fonght, who have bled, and who have conquered; who under the smiles of Ileaven, have established their independence and sovereignty, and have taken equal rank among the nations of the earth. In short, sir, it is a system of government for ourselves and for our children, for all that is near and dear to us in life ; and on the decision of the question is suspended our political prosperity or infelicity, perhaps our existence as a nation. What can be more solemn? What can be more interesting? Everything depends on our union. I know that some have supposed, that although the union should be broken, particular States may retain their importance; but this cannot be. The strongest nerved St.ato, even the right arm, if separated from the body, must wither. If the great union be broken, our country, as a nation, perishes; and if our country so perishes, it will be as impossible to save a particular State as to preserve one of the fiugers of a mortified hand. By one of the parngraphs of the system, it is declared that the ratifications of tho ConvenLious of nine SLates shal l be sufficient for the establishmout of the Constitution between (·.'.l1 •, . . ' I .fll • ........ _J _. |