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Show ) 128 THE STA 'l'E CO~VE~TIONS. or in such imminent danger as will not u.dmit of delay." Wlw.t docs this prohibition ftn10llllt to? It must be a war with a foreign enemy that the States arc probibitetl from making; for the exception to the restriction proves it. rrhc restriction includes only offensi vc hostility, as they are at liberty to engage in wnr when invaded, or in imminent danger. They are, therefore, not restrained from quelling domestic insurrections, which arc totally different from making war 'Nith a foreign power. Bn t the great thing to be dreaded is that, during an insurrection, the militia will he called out from the State. This is his kind of argnment. Is it possiule that, at such a time, the general go\emment would order the militia to be called! It is a groundless objection to work on gentlemen's apprehensions within these walls. As to the 4th article, it was introduced wholly for the particular aid of the States. .A. republican form of government is guaranteed, and protection is secured against invasion and domestic violence on appl ication. Is not this a gmud ns strong as pos:iule ? Does it not exclude the unncces· sary interference of Congress in business of this sort. The gentlemen over the way cannot tell who will be the militia at a future day, and enu meratcs daJl crers of select militia. Let me attend to the nature of gentlemen's objections. One oujects because there will he a select militia; another objects because there will be no select mil ilia; and yet both oppose it on these contradictory principles. If you deny the general crovernmcn t the power of call· ing out the militia, there must be a recurrence to a standing army. If you are really jealous of yonr liberties confide in Congress. Mr. George Mason. Mr. Chairman : 1'his is a fatal sec· iion, which has created more dangers than any other. 'l'he first clause allows the importatio11 of slaves for twenty years. T liE S' I 'A'l'~~ GO.'\ V EN'l'lO );S. 1 ~.J Under the royal government, this evil was Iookeu upo11 as a great oppre~siou, nnd ma11y attempts were made to prevent it; uut the intcrcRt of the African merchants prevented its prohibition. No sooner did the Itcvolution take plucc t han it was thoug-ht of'. It was 011c of th' gre:Lt cau1'C. of our Rrpn ra.tion from Great Britain. l!s cx<'lusion has been a princi pal object of this ~tate, and mo L of the States of the Union. The augmentation of slaves weakens the States; and such a trade is diabolieal in itself, and di:g-mccful to mankind; yet, by this Constitution, jt is continued for twenty year . As much as I value a union of all the StateR, I woulll not admit the Southern SLates into the Union tude s they agree to the discontinuance of this <lisgraccful trade, because it woulu bring weakness, and not strength, to the U niou. Aud, though this infamous traffic be contimted, we have no security for the property of that kind which we 1tave already. rr,herc is no clause in this Constitulion to secure it; for they may lay such a 1ax us will umouut to manum! swn. And should the government be amended, till this detestable kind of commerce will be conLi rlUe<l till after the expiration of twenty years; for the 5th article which provides for amendments, expressly excepts this clause. I have ever looked upon this as a most disgraceful thing to America. I cannot express my detestation of it. Y ct they hn ve not secured us the properly of the slaves we have already. So that "they have done what tlley oncrht not to have done, and have left undone what they ongltt to lwvc done." :Mr. Madison. Mr. Chairman : I should conceive tllis chuse to be impolitic, if it were one of those things which could be excl uded without encountering greater evils. The Southern States would not have entered into thQ 9 |
