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Show ) uo TJI~ FEDEHAL CONVENTION. l\[ r. Pinckney. If lavery be wrong, it is justified by tua u.~tlllplc of all the world. lie cited the ca.sc of Greece, Rome, and other ancient states; the sanction given by France, England, Holland, and other modern slates. In all ages, one-half of mankind have been slaves. If the Southern States were let alone, they will probably of themselves stop importaLions. Ilc would himself, as a citizen of South Carolina, vote for it. An attempt to take away the right, as proposed, will produce serious objections to the constitution which he wished to see adopted. Gen. Pinckney declared it to be his firm opinion, that if himself and all his colleagues were to sign the constitution, aud use their personal influence, it woni<..l be of 110 avail towards obtaining the assent of their con::stitucnts. South Carolina and Georgia cannot do without slaves. As to Virginia, she will gain by stopping the importations. Her slaves will rise in value, and she has more thun she wants. It would be unequal to require South Carolina and Georgia to confederate on such un equal terms. lie said the royal assent, before the Revolution, had never been refused to South Carolina and Virginia. IIe contended that the importation of slaves woulu be for the interest of the whole Union. The more slaves, the more produce to employ the tarrying trade; the more consumption also ; and. the more of this, the more revenue for the common treasury. He admitted it to be reasonable that slaves shoulu be treated like other imports, but should consider a rejection of the clause as an exclusion of South Carolina from the Uuion . .:\ir. Baldwin had conceived national objects alone to be before the Convention, not such as, like the present, were of a local nature. Georgia was decided on this point. That State has always hitherto supposed a general government to be the pursuit of the central States who wished to have I a vortex for every thing; that her distance would preclude ~'HI£ F.IJ:DEKAL CO~ V EYl'lO:-.f. Ul her from equal ad va ntagc ; and that she could not prlldently purclmsc it by yielding 11ational powers. From this it migiJt be understood in what light she would view an attempt to abridge onc of her favorite prerogatives. lf left to herself she may probably put a stop to the evi l. As Olle ground for this couj ccLure, he took notice of the sect of , which was, he said, a respectable class of p ople, who carried ethics beyotHl the mere equality of me11, extending their bumauity to the claims of the whole anim:d creation. Mr. vVilson observed that, if South Carolina and Georgia were thcmsel ves disposed to get rid of the im portaLion of slaves in v, short time, as had been sugge. tecl, they would never refuse to uuite because the importation might be prohibited. As the section now stands, all articles imported are to be taxed. Slaves alone are exempt. 1'his is, in fnct, a bounty on that article. Mr. Gerry thought we harl nothing to do with the conduct of the States as to sla vcs, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it. Mr. Dickinson considered it as indispensable, on every principle of honor and safety, that the im portation of slaves should be authorized to the Stutes by the Constitution. The true question was, whether the national happiness would be promoted or impai red by the importationand this question onght to be left to the nutional goverument- not to the SLates particularly interested. If Englund und France permit slavery, slaves are, at the same time, excluded from both those kingdoms. Greece aud Rome were made unhappy Ly their slaves. lie could not believe that the Southern States would refuse to co nfed erate on the account apprehended; especially us the power was not likely to be immeuiately excrcis.cd by the general government. General Pinckney thought himself bound to say, that be (.1.•1.4• I I ••r • ,· ~ ... ••••• '411•' .. ,_, .~ 4 ! ~ ~I , ;:p •• , h .'.' I ·'' l'::;i •• '1 |
