| OCR Text |
Show S06 0 N TIlE I l\J:M ED I .A T E C AU S r.; S [ CH. Vll. tnost to keep up and increase the exchangeable value of the \Vhole procluc , are, the clivi ion of landed property, the extension of don1estic and foreign trade, and the Inaintenanec of unproduc~ tive labourers. The mention of these causes is alone sufficient to shew that they are much less within our i1n~ . mediate controul than the coinn1on process of accuin tllation. If it were true that, in order to etnploy all that are out of \Vork, and to create at the san1e tin1e a suft.icient 1narket for \vhat they produce, it is only necessary that a little n1ore should be saved fi·on1 the revenue and added to the capital of the country, I an1 fu11y persuaded that this species of charity \Vou ld not \vaut contri~ bu tors, and that a change \VOt~ld soon be wrought in the condition of the labouring classes. But "\Vhen \Ve know, both frotn theory and c .. ·perience, that this proceeding \Vill not afford the relief sought for, and are referred to an increase in the exchangeable value of the whole produce as the only cause which can restore a healthy and effective den1and for labour, it rnust be allo\ved that we n1ay be at 'a loss \Vith respect to the first steps "\tVhich it would be advisable to take in order to accomplish what \Ve wish. ' Still, however!' it is of the u tn1ost importance to know the iinmediate obiect which ouo·ht to be • J b atmed at; that if 've can do but little actually to for ard it, ·we tna.y not' frotn ignorance' do n1uch to retard it. With regard to the first ·Inain cause SEC. x.] OF THE PROGHESS 011 'Vl~ALTH. 507 \vhich I have mentioned, as tending to increase the exchangeable value of the national produce, namely the division of landed property, I have given. my reasons for thinking that, in the actual and peculiar state of this country, the abolition of the law of prin1ogeniture would produce more evil than good; and there is no other way in which a different eli vision of land could be effected, consistently with an adequate respect for the great , fundamental lavv of property, on which all progress in civilization, improvement, and \Vealth, must ever depend. But if the distribution of wealth to a certain extent be one of the n1ain causes of its increase, while it is unadvisable directly to interfere with the present division of land in this country, it tnay justly becotne a question, whether the evils attendant on the national debt are not more than counterbalanced by the distribution of property and increase of the 111iddle classes of society, \v-hich it n1ust necessarily create; and vv hether by saving, in order to pay it off, vve are not subtnitting to a painful sacrifice, which, if \ it attains its object, whatever other good it may effect, 'vill leave us with a much less favourable distribution of wealth? By greatly reducing the national debt, if we are able to accon1plish it, we may place ourselves perhaps in a 1nore safe position, and this no doubt is an important consideration; but grievously will those be disappointed who think that, either by greatly reducing or at ol).ce destroying it, we can enrich ourselves, and employ all our labouring classes. |
