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Show 436 ON 'filE ll\11\'IEDIATE CAUSES ( CII. VII. · ,vhich remain may perhaps be of use in furnishing tnotives to the n1erchant and n1aster-manufacturer, to continue the exercise of their skill and powers till they ha vc acquired large capitals, and arc able to contend in \iVealth \:Vith the great landlords. If, frorn the abolition of the right of primogeniture, the landed fortunes \Vere all very inconsiderable, it is not probable that there \vould be many large capitals an1ong n1erchants; and in this case, n1uch productive po,ver \vould unquestionably he lost. But ho\vever this may be, it is certain that a very large body of what may be called the midJlc classes of society has been established in this coun4 try; while the right of primogeniture, by forcing the younger sons of the nobility and great landed proprietors into the higher divisions of these classes, · has, for all practical purposes, annihilated the distinctions founded on rank and birth, and opened the fairest arena for the contests of personaln1crit in all the avenues to wealth and honours. It is probable that the obligation gene1~ally in1poscd upon younger sons to be the founders of their own fortunes, has infused a greater degree of energy and activity into professional and con1mer- _ cial exertions than 'vould have taken place if property in land had been more equally eli vidcd. Altogether, the country possesses a very large class of effective clen1anders, who derive their power of purchasing fron1 the various professions, fron1 comn1erce, frotn n1anufactures, frotn \V holcsale and retail trade, fro1n salaries of differcn t kinds, and from the interest of public and private debts i and SEC. VII.] , OF TilE PROGRESS OF \V,EALTH. , 437 these detnanclers are likely, perhaps, to acquire tastes more favourable to the encouragement of wealth than the O\v-nc.rs of s1nal1 properties on the land. Under these circun1stances, 'vhich, to the extent in 'vhich they prevail, it n1ust be allowed are aln1ost peculiar to this country, it n1ight be rash to condud~ that t~e nation would be richer if the right of pnn1ogen1ture '\Verc abolished. But even if we were able to dctern1ine the question in the affinna-. ti:c, it would by no n1cans detern1 ine the policy of such a change. In all cases of this kind there arc higher considerations to be attended to than those which relate to n1ere \Vealth. ·. It is an historical truth which cannot for a 1110- ment be Jisputed, that the first fon11ation, and subsequent p~·ese~·vation and in1proven1cnt, of our pre .. sent constitution, and of the liberties and privilco·es which have so Ion~ distino·uished Eno·lislunen ~re . 1 ~ b b ' matn.y due to a landed aristocracy. And \IVC are certainly not yet vvarrantcd by any experience to conclude that without an aristocracy, '~ bich cannot certainly be supported in an effective state but ~y the la\v of pritnogen1ture, the constitution and 1Jberties so established can be in future n1aintained. I.f then we set a value upon the British Constitu-t 10?; I" f' we think that, \V hatever may be its theo-retical itnperfections, it has practically given a better government, and n1ore liberty to a greater n~ass of people for a longer tin1e than any which history records, it would be Il10st un\vise to venture upon any such change as \VOtdd risk the \vhole structure, and thro\v us upon a \vide sea of ex peri ... }" :F 3 |