OCR Text |
Show HINCKLEY JOURNAL OF POLITICS 2002/2003 aspect of tokenism, role entrapment, was very strong in terms of the mother role. Every senator discussed and exhibited specific characteristics and encountered barriers in relation to this entrapment. Though they each defined and specified motherly aspects of their lives as positive, the barriers Kanter discusses are still a real threat to the maintenance and attainment of power within the legislature. Even if these senators actively chose to be branded as mothers, the positives in terms of getting elected must then be weighed against the limitations of being a "mother" once in office. It could mean being placed on traditionally female committees and being separated from other pressing policy debates. Observation and interviews with other key players is necessary to further explore the complexity of this role. The other three roles - the pet, seductress, and iron maiden - were not as clearly exhibited in the interviews, but further study is necessary to determine the degree to which these are a reality. The methodology used in this study was very useful in collecting and understanding the perceptions and knowledge of the currently elected female members of the Senate. The study of this group is key to understanding how to select and get more women elected in this political environment. The women interviewed have been able to create coalitions of support, financial backing, and been able to sustain enough power to maintain office. This study also gave ample evidence for testing Ranter's tokenism in a new setting. The barriers specified in tokenism combined with the unique nature of an elected body open a new discussion about the role of women in this democratic republic. The methodology used in this study also presents some limitations. Further interviews of others involved are necessary to better understand gender relations in the state legislature. By only interviewing the female senators, I only had access to their perceptions and experiences. The next step in analyzing this body in relation to tokenism is to broaden the group of interviewees to include the male senators, staff people, and key lobbyists. Then one would be able to draw more multi-faceted conclusions about tokenism generally and role entrapment specifically. After assessing the evidentiary strength in relation to Ranter's tokenism and Sapiro's concept of gender consciousness, it is clear that that there is support for the contention that gender based tokenism is a reality in the Utah State Senate. The level of individual consciousness of tokenism and the related barriers varies among the senators, but the need for a heightened collective consciousness is clear. DISCUSSION Ranter's theory was Grafted during the height of affirmative action in the United States. Numerical changes seemed to be the answer to furthering gender equality. In light of the Utah State Senate in 2002, I think it is necessary to stress the fact that a doubling of the number of women in the last four years has not markedly changed the stereotypes women in elected office face. Yoder (1991) criticized Ranter on the basis that Ranter ignored and minimized the real effects of sexism. Simply raising the number of a minority group within a larger group cannot, by itself, eliminate cultural assumptions and constructions. I agree with her criticism. Simply increasing the number of women in the legislature does not change the fact that women are generally expected to fill certain constricted roles. A reeducation and society-wide open discussion is necessary if the effects of sexism in general and tokenism specifically are to ever be substantially addressed. In terms of the mother role, women are faced with a difficult choice. The legitimacy of a mother's perspective within policy discussion is, to a certain degree, needed and important. However, relying on that for most of one's credibility on certain issues, like education and health care, diminishes women's capacities to be part of the debate in more than an emotional manner. The rub is that playing the mother "sells." Many voters are drawn to successful women who are softened by their domestic roles. Using that branding to get into office can then limit one once in office. Ranter's roles fit the evidence in that it is clear that most women in Utah recognize these easily and see themselves in some relationship with these roles. Ranter's theory does not fit the legislature in that people have to play a representative role in elected office. Individuation and pursuing individual success in a business is perfectly acceptable and necessary in a capitalistic economy. These are not, however, primary or positive goals within an elected body. Individuals can gain prominence or notoriety, but you still need the support of your colleagues in order to further your policy agenda and challenge opposing viewpoints. The other issue is that elected officials represent many people; playing off of cultural expectations is sometimes warranted and demanded by constituents. The overlap of gender and party affiliation is another important component of this study that Ranter's study does not adequately address. Though the number of women has increased a great deal in the last four years, most of the gains have been in the minority political party. There are so few Democrats in the Senate (nine of twenty-nine) that one could argue that the Democrats are a token group within the overall body. This means that the majority of women in the Senate have a decreased power share because of both their gender and their party affiliation. The power of the two Republican women, however, may be increased on issues related to gender because two people speak for half of the population while eighteen people speak for the other half. In many cases it may be assumed that party affiliation transcends gender in voting decisions, meaning that Democratic women may have tough time getting their agendas furthered simply because they are members of the minority party. 29 |