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Show 88 89 wish for the abolition of war l.‘ no longer futile, and once seeing, thev will do their duty, which is to manifest that wish. in other words. collecting: these signatures proved that almost everybody wishes the abolition of war, and that to obtain an expression of this universal wish is a thi g which can be done. liut after all it is not the people alone, who shape their national and international laws. and therefore another question is: i\re the responsible leaders of the governments in earntst about the abolition of war. when everywhere every year new millions upon millions of dollars are demanded for continued preparation for war? \\‘ill a petition, even if it represents a majorin world vote, do any good? \ \\'hen I was at The llague to present the arbitration petition of which I spoke. Di: llill. now otir United States Ambassador at fierlin. said to me: "Your petition is in the right direction." .\lr. Nelidow. duringr the generous audience he granted Mr. l‘aine and me. said the same thing. and further, among many other interest» in}; things. he said this: "\\'e are not for one moment losing;- sight of the or ainal and ultimate object-the reduction of artnanientfi m M ‘ HJJUW wow for which my sovereign. Ilis Majesty the Czar of Russia. first invited the governments to meet in joint consultation. llut. as in any disease it is of little use to treat the sy mptoms. so the attempts have shown that it is futile to spend our energies on plans for a simultaneous reduction of armaments. because armaments are only the symptoms of the disease of civilization "'0 must go dtcpcr. \\'e must concentrate forces on the removal of the cause of the disease. which is war. 'l'his is what we are doingr now. i\nd i wish to say to you. and wish to say it with the strongest (mph . that every new day of the Conference I see more proofs of the deep and devoted earnestness and sincerity with which all the plenipiitentiarics of the nations gathered here are workingr on the solution of this great and difficult problem," ;\ll of us here. I am sure. also remember the magnificent address, in which iaron Marschall von helierstein announced that the Ger in government \vi 1 1 promote, by all possible means, international arbitration. And we all remember that the pleni- potentiaries of the ioi'tyvfour ecw'ernments of the world signed, before leavingr The Hague a year ago last October, the article in favor of the principle of arbitration. So we see the responsible leaders Of the world's governments are with us. And yet, as the result of their ardent and arduous work during the four months of the Second Hague Conference, only very few points were considered suitable and safe for settlement by arbitration, but unsafe all points of "vital interest and honor." And were these statesmen not right? Did they not prove their wisdom and sense of responsibility? Indeed. we need not malte a profound study of the international situation of today to perceive that the life of every nation, weak or strong, civilized or un- civilized. would be far from being securely protected by international arbitration in its present state of development; and we must concede that the lite and honor of a nation are as sacred as the life and honor of the individual. Law allows the individual to kill in self-defense. This applied to nations means the keepingr up of armies and navies for the emergency of national self» defense. Llut does this mean that armies and navies must be ltept up and increased indefinitely? Does it mean that the abolition of war is an impossibility? No, surely Hull For, while it is not as yet within human power to prevent attack upon the life oi every individual. it is a simple matter today to provide absolute immunity from danger by external forces for the, life of the forty-four nations. _\ll that is required is that the plenipotentiaries of the fortysfflttl‘ nations, when meeting: at The Hague for the Third Conference, sign a convention establishing a universal law by which no verdict by arbitration in the settlement of any international difficulty shall endanger the self-preservation and just LlL'YL‘lttPlllClltilll other words. the vital interestsfiof any nation, nor its honor: the honor of a nation beingr distinctly defined as the protection by a nation of its own selfspreservation and development without infringing" upon the conditions neecsary for the self-preset\ation of other nations. This single international law, which will he as reasonable. and easy to make as the laws concerning the international arrangements for postal and telegraph service, this single law will, with one stroke, shift the responsibility for national life and honor from the shoulders of armies and uavies and war to the shoulders of fairvplay state-niaiisliip and jurisdiction. with the responsibility must and will go \xl‘ \uxl belongs to it: the |
