Political text-book for 1860 : comprising a brief view of presidential nominations and elections, including all the national platforms ever yet adopted ... with the most notable speeches and letters of Messrs. Lincoln, Douglas, Bell, Cass, Seward, Everett, Breckinridge, H.V. Johnson, etc., etc., touching the questions of the day : and returns of all presidential elections since 1836

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1~ A POLITICAL TEXT-BOOK FOR 1860. DEMOCRATIC PLATFORJ\1, ADOP'fED BY TIIE UNITED STATES SENATE. ON the first of March, 18GO, Mr. Dln'is, of Mis issippi, submitted to the "'c nat<J the follow­ing Resolutions: 1. R esol!ved thnt In the adopllon of the J<'edcral Con­lti\ utlon the States adopting the same acteu severally as free a'nd independent sovereignties, tlclegnting a por­tion of their powers to be exercised by the Fedora\ Gov­ernment for the increased security of each against dangers, domestic a11 well as foreign; and that any i~­tcrmedtlllng by any one or more SttLtcs_, o_r b_y a ~oml.n­nation of their citizens with the domcshc mtit1tut10ns of the others, on any lll'~tcxt whatever, political, moral, or religioue with a view to their dititurbance or subver­sion is in Ylolation of the Constitution, insulting to tbe Stat'es so interfered with end:mgers their domestic pence aud tranqulllity-obj ects' for which the Constitution was fvrmed-and by necessary consequence, tends to weaken and destroy the Union itself. 2. Resolved l 'hat negro Slavery, as it exists In fifteen States of this Union, composes an important portion of their domestic institution~, inherited from th eir ances­tor~, and existing at the adoption of the Constitution, by which it is recognized as constitutiug an imporl~tnt ele­ment in the apportionment of powers amonlr the States; and that no change of opinion or feeling on the part of the non-&lavcho\ding States of the Union, in relation to this institution, can justify them, or their citizens, in or en or covert attacks thereon, with n view to Its O\'Cl'­throw; and that all such attacks are in manifest viola­tion of the mutual unci so le111n pledge to protect and de­fend each other, given by the Stales respectively on en­tering into the constitutional compact which f nneu the Union, and are a manifest breach of fai th, and a viola­tion of the most solemn oh ligations. 3. R~o~ved, 'l'hut the Cnion of these States rests on the equality of rights and privileges among its mem­ber ; and that it is especially the tiLliY of tho Se,uate, which represents tho States iu their sovereign capacity, to resist all attempts to discriminate either in relation to persons or property in the Territories, which are the common possessions or the Cnited States, so as to give nd1·antages to the citizens of oue tate which arc not ~qually assured to those of evc1·y other ::)tate. 4,. Ilesol!ved, 1'hat neithe1· Congress nor a Territorial legislature, whether by direct legislation or legislaLion of an indirect and unfriendly cluu·ac ter, possess power to annul or impair the constitutional right of any citizen of the United Stat.es to take his slave property into the common l 'erritories, and there hold and enj oy the same while the Territorii\! condition r mains. IS. Resol!ved, That if experience shoultl at any time provo that the judicial and executive authority do not possess means to insure aucquat c protection to consti­tutional rights in a Tenitory, and If the Territorial e ov­erument should fail or r efuse to provide the necessary remedies for that purpose, it will be the duty of Congress to supply such dctlcien cy. 6. ResoltVed, That the inhabitants of a Territory of the United States, when they rightfully form a con· stitutlon to be admitted as a State into the Union, may then, for the first time, like the people of a State when forming ~~ n ew Constitution, decide fo1· themselves whether SlM' e•·y, as a domestic institution, shall be maintained or prohibited within their jurisdiction ; and "they shall be received into the Union with or without Slavery, ail their Constitution may prescribe at the time of their adftlission." 1. R~ol!ved, 'J'hat the provision o! the Constltu­\ lon for the rendition of fugitives from service or labor, without the adoption of which the Union could not have been formed, and that the laws of 1198 and 18110, which were enacted to secure Its exacution, and the main fea­tures of which, being similar, bear the Impress of nearly ecventy ye'l.rs of sanction by the highest judicial author· lty, should be honestly and faithfully observed and maintained by all who enjoy the benefits of our com· l>act or Union; and that all acte of individuals or of State Legislatures to def~at the purpose or nullify the rcqulremen~ ?! that provision, and the laws made in pursunnce of it, are hostile In character, subversive of the Constitution, antl revolutiollary in their e!rect. Ou the 8th May following, 1tlr-. Clingman, of North l'aroliu~t, nddrc sed the cnate at length on the c re ·olutions, maintaining the position that the Constitution docs gunmntcc the right of holding slaves in the 'l'crritorics of the Uni· ted tales, but that the enforcing of that right. by Congressional action, was iu cxpcdicn t, nnd would l.Jc of 110 practical value to the Sl;11·e tates; also, that the South waiYcd that ri gh t in agreeing to the Compromises of 1 ~() nnd the Kausas-N cbrask ;t Act (repeal of the Mi ~'out i Compromi ·e) of l 854. Mr. C. al ·o r ·YiewPd the proceeding!:! of the National ConYention at Charl eston, and concluded as follow s : Entertaining these views, I have been <llspo,ed to nh· stain as much as possible from the diRcusslon of tl ,c~c questions, 1UJd I rclllly hope tl 1>1t we shall not Jll'C>S them. l thiuk no advantage can grow out of it. I greatly fear that I have occupied more of the valuahle time of the Senate than I intcmkd. I felt, howc1·cr, ll•at from me, In my position, some explanation was ncces~ary. I thluk that the gentl emen on the other side of the Chamber have given us a platform already. " 'c shall h111 e to lif!hl them; we had hett •r make up our minds to go luto the conte~t, and meet th em on the p·eat issue tl>ey tender'"'· Jn ten day~, we shall probably nave their ded arallrm t ' war from Chicago, :u:d the clash or arms will :om.nen ce very soon. lt is time for us to close our ranks. l am r ady to fight under any Hag antl any stan<l:ll'!l-bearcr that mny be given us. I can adnpt any of those plutfonus that were presented at Charlc~ton. l leave all that to our p litical fri ends a~semhled in cotwct>tlon. I know that they will present a platforUI 1 ami pres ' Ill a mantes~ objectionable to me than the candidate on the other side. I regard them as the tl cadly politi al enemies of my se~­tion; as the enemies of the Constitullon of the United States. I want to embark In the contest nnd light them with closed a ntl serried ra nks on our side. l have spoken onl) in behalf of the Democratic parLy, of tho Constitu­tion, anu the country. MR. JlF;NJAMIN ON POPULAR SOVERF.ION1'V. Senator Benjamin, of Louisiana, followed: .!tfr. llenjamin.-1\lr. I)reM iil ent, I hac\ no Intention o! j oining In this debate, or or uttering oue word on tile re· so lutious now before tile Senate; but, sir , l h~ve li'tened with intense surpl'iMe to what has fatt en from the Se nut ~ r from North C a r o lin:~ this morning, :.11111 I car.not rcmum quiescent nnd by s ilence appear to give consenL to what he has Mitl in relation to tl1t: a ction of certain Southern deleg:ltes In the recent Convention at Charleston. . The Senator from North Carolina thinks that polltt cal races can best be run without the load or prin cip l e~. The Senator from North Carolina thinkR that the best WilY to get success in a political contest is not to bother yourself with the baggage of princi ple, but let your cnndiclate ruu with nothing on his back, nnJ probubly In tl>at way he may run the faster and reach the go Ill the sooner. And again, the honorable s,·nator thinks that, bccau~e the Cincin nati pt,tform was accept~tble to the whole DenJO· cracy in 181>6, there is and can be no reason why De­mocrnts who stood on that platform at that time should be dissatisfied with it now. Mr. President, let us look a little back, behind 1B:>6,_1n relation to that platform, and to the living Issue on wh1ch we are separated as regards that platform. We all re­member, sir-no man can forget-thnt, in 'the excitt~g contest which took place on the Kansas-Ncbrask:\ b11l, those who were the firmest supporters or the bill dlffere~ in principle on that one point which now threatens to dt­vide the Democratic party. l'hey dltrered openly ; the7 avowed their dltl'erences; they pro~ided tor the fln~l settlement of those differences. Sir, whM u-e met til MR. DENJAJ[lN'S ANTI-DOUGLAS PEECll. 1!)5 eat..rus, unier the lead of the honora,ble Senator from I guide >UHI a pole ~~nr hy wl1ich the Democratic party coultl {tt~oiAJ, ~oho introd~H~ecl the K ansa8-Ne/Haska /;ill, it guid the ~h ip or Stat •, a sudd n an<l >LI•u·ming heresy wnB.fo1md that theDemoot·ats.f,·om the North and the lspl'll•):( up In th., 1\ortl•, an<! som ·thin;; was said !Lbout tho {)Mnool·ats front theSot~UL co tJ,ld not a(JreiJ 'itt JJ I'in<Ji- right of the J.eglslatur" of the 't'erriloric uot to dc•trny ple. 'rile DcllloCnLIH frolll tile South U1on took t.htl pnsl- SI:Lvery; not to •LiJOiiHh it; not to con tlscate t y clir ~ct 1·­llon t,lnH the Oon~tltntion of the United State< was piiLin gl,latlon tile ri gl1t of the c it i~ens ol the f<o uth who >nl .. ht and cte>LT. 'l'he rights of tho people of the Suuth were lind themsclv ·sin the 't'cr rit urlcs with til ·h- prop ·rty, but, place..! upon that i11stnunent. 1 agree with the Senn> or lty a shlc hlow, by ln<llr •ction, and IJy failure to pe1·form from ~l> ss issippi (~lr. Oavls) Lhat we have nothing t .. > do •luty, by" unfri'ntlly lcglsltl.tion," to do that which ·on.-;ti­ln this con Lr uvc r ~y with natural rlgl>ts or n11tural pr.il cl- tutluntdly til 'Y hn.<l no power to dr) hy ttny dil·ect ctl'o1 t of pies. '!'hose ri ghts aud those pl'inciples, which lie ,,t the legbltttive will. ow, Ril·, the Cincl un,. tl I'I>Ltfol'ln wiLh foun<latlou of socio\1 organiz:Ltion aod civil goveriiii >CIIt. which the geutl m:m f1·om North CILrolina seems to'b so were propel' subj ects of cxamin>Ltlon rtml considcn.tion much in I v ', >Ln<l whlch he thluks is sullicl ·nt for til • con­with L11o fath e •·s. 'l'hcy di<l take them into consideration. stitutiouat d~hts of the South, wou l(l be s ullieient l'ur t ll.~ t 'l'hey decided Ll>cm. 'l'h cy have given us a clmrt by purpose, is sulli cicnt for that purpose properly construe,! · which now we arc boun1l all to direct our cour>c; "n<t that but when the dclcgu.t ·s of t\ gr ·at part,y, :~ssemhl 'd to­chart is the Constitution or Oltr country. Iles >ing the g •ther from a ll portions of the Confederacy, rece ntly mrt, rights of the Sout'1 upon t.hut Constitution, wl1en th e· d is - and the proposition was ma<lc to them to a<lopt the (,,.J. cussious 1\ I'OSC upon the K :~nstLs-Nebmsk>L bill, t.he Scn:L- clnmttl platform, it wus made und 'r what clrcumst1111 rt·s, tors fr om the South who met in caucus, or in conveutlon, and with wiiiLt view? It 1oas rnad 1rith (t kn mol~'l (! or In prim!LI'y meeting, if you choose so to say, all agreed, of ever!f man i1> thctt 'onv ntiott that two clisti11ct 'y without >L dissenting voice, th~Lt, by the true construclion opposite int ,.p,·etcttion8 ~oere p«t tbpon thatptatjo ,·lll of the Constitution of the United States, the ·r~rritol·ics -one at the 'ntth, an!/ th e othe1· at the North. belonging to the Unitctl States were the common pro- ~Ir. Ctlngmll>l .-The 'enator wlllaltow m • ton k him if pcrty or ~tit ; that each State had equal rights to th ose these two opinions were not upon whether a 'l'enlto•·bll Le 'l'cmtories; that :uno ng t. those rights was the right of gisl:ttu•·e coulcl leglslat.c for Ol' against Slavery? Arc tll os• tho citizens of the different tatos to cmlg r ~Lte to tl•osc tile opinions to which he r efer;? Territlorles with their propert.y of evc1·y nature and kln>l; lll r. llcnj:tmlu.-'l'hc opposltu constructions nre put in ami, when there, we contended that Lhcre was no p we •· several points. One point lH, whether the 'l'crritori~l 1, ·­under heaven that could drive us out of those 'l'erri to ri cs, glshLtu re IHLS a right LO ahol ish Slavery in tl•e 'l'enitorie or rleprlvc us therein of the protection of t,hc Const>tutlon or not, h 'fore funning 1\ 't;Lte Constitution; and another an<l the lairs, until the people of the 'ferritory should Is, whcth r or not it i~ the duty of the ~'cdeml Oovcmm ·nt make :t constitution and for111 a St-ate. to protect the rights of t.he p oplc of the 'outh in the 'l'cr-l'he Senator from Illinois did not agree with u ~ In ritorics. Upon those two points opposite lntcrwetali'lnS that. Ho has beeu consistent. 'l'hc Senator from ltli- an•l oppo itc pl'luclplcs exist, and were devdopcd iu the nois held tlmt there was a powe•· in the people of tL Charleston Convention. Territory; he believed in l'opuhlr Sovereignty; he be- l\Ir. Clingman.-! wlll answer th~ gentleman when he iq llevctl in some Inherent right in the people when a~sem- tlu·ough. bled, even in the origin>LI inchoat-e shape in which they Mr. l'ugh.-Do J un tl e r~tanrl the gentleman to say that come as cmlgrantg to the •rerrltorles, to pass laws to evc1·y mcmhcr of the Convcution agreed that the platf,,rm g vern themselves; t.o mold their own Instit utions, ItS he had recelvccl two iute•·p1·etations, or thut It was susceptil>le phmsed It anti include' I in that power the right to act of it? agai nst Slavery. w~ could not ag1·ee. M ~ru ing af1cr Mr. n 'nj:tmln.-:-l ~t7Ulerstana thc~t oppoRite 'ln/PI'Ji''f­morning we met. for tile p11rposc of commg to some tatlon s~oere plltutl!f ana openly (Jwenlo that plut;o,-m unuerst:\n<linn- upon that very point; and It w >~S fiu:11ty 'in Con,vntti07t, by men 1olw8e (!OO<l jttith no nwn hrto~ understood l.>y all agreed to by all, llHLdc the bas is of n eve ,· y et <li~put •rl to my knowlefi(Je. compromise by ait Lhe supporters of tlmt bill, that the lllr. l'ugh.-1 <lo not think that was the gl'OtllHI of the Territories shoultl he organized with t~ dtlcgrttion by Con- clifi'ercnce or opinion ttt all. I said there ncYcr were two gress of all the power of Congress in the 'l'el'l'itori cs, and int, ·rpretn.tions that coultl he f;til·ty given to it; thrtt tl1e tnat the extent of the power of Congress should be deter- platform purpo •ty, In the language f the en1~t0 1' from mined by the courts. Firm in our belief of our r ights, N rth Carollnn., ref n·e<l that question to judicial trihu­conscious that in the Constitution we hn.d guamnty n:tls; that th diiJer •nee of opiuion aros' upon the judicbl enough· knowing thut it wn.s impossible f r a jltdicl ttl tri- quc~ tion; it did not adse upon the platform; anti t h,.~t bunal t~ make other th:w one decision, we s:d tl tii<Lt we consequently it was a false accusation. I say that ccr­woutd stand by that decision when made ; and if it talnty in no unkind spirit to t,he Senator ; but I say the should ba detcrm,ncd by the Supre>no Court of the phLtform is not susccptibl' of two lntcrpl·ot:Ltlon ; that it Unitctl States tluLt there w t~s a power in this Government ref~>Teu a controvC>'$Y to arbitration. There might be !L to depriv~ the ll 'Ople of the South of their fair share of dill'cl·ence of opinion as to the particular nrbi~rati o n of it, the comntort Terl'itories of the Union, If that power 111 tills but there w:ts none as to the terms of submissiOn, Government exi teu In Congress, and If Congress tlcl e- Mr. n 'njamln.-1 read , Mr. l'rcsl<lent, with as mu ~ h gatctl >dl Its power to the Tcrrit.o rl es, we woultl stand l>y atte ntion as 1 was capaule of, CYCl'yth lng that occun-etl 1u the 1\ecis ion and ag•·ee that we asserted aright thaL found that convention, 11.11d· I saw the statement OI'CI' anLI ov ·r nu w:Lrmnt in the Con ·titution; and, on the other lmnd, U"'>tin made In the convention, and not controvcrte<l, lint our brother Democrats of the North, and the Senator dltrerent opinion!! were put upon that platform in <liU'ercuL from lll inois at theil· hcatl , ag•·ccd that if the Supren>e parts of the country. Cuurt of the United States should tletermine that the Con- 1\lr. l!ugh.-1 certr~lnly controv rtell !t for one. I tlo ~;ress of thn Unite<! States had no power to int erfere not recollect who else mny have stnted •t: It may ha:-e with Soul hern rights in the Territories, if, consequently, be 'n rcpc:•te<l a great many times ; but I d~tl co ntl'o\'e rt_ lt. we ha<l h111t not tile powe1· that we could delegate Ill all, ;\lr. llenj :~min. -No w, si r, I say, in relatlOil to that C_m­lhen the Democmts of the No1·th would j oin us iu showing clnnatl platfonn, which the Senator from North Carolll1fl respect anti obedience to that d eois ion, and stanu with seems to thl~1k ou:;ht to have n!nply sunicetl the South, H!l< ~ us on the principle that we ~~dvocated as the true one. to lmve sun1ced the Democrallc party, these two oppo 1tc None of us supposed at the time that the decislou woultl interpretations were known t? be, intended to be gwen to c01ne so qu ick. None of us knew of the existenc~ of a it . . Further, I say th_is; r say tt wa· avowc_d at Ch:u:l ·slon, controve•·&y then pending in the fctl eral courts that over and over ag:un. th1tt if :\ c ustl'll ·t1on was g1ven to would le t~<l almost immediately to the decl<ion of that that platf01·m by which it sh~u ld l>e cleul'ly st!Ltctl that tho question. We provided in Lllu K:LnS>LS act Itself; we. in- people of the South We're eut>tlcd to hn.v~ their ~ l lll'e~ pro­trotlucctl tlll exp1·e,;s clause having for Its avowed ol>Ject tected in the Terrlto rh ·~ against any d>rect l~t 'l'f :r.cnce, to bring tlmt quest.ion befMe the cou1·ts ror d ecision. either by Congressional or Territorlnl legislation; 11 th ,•L Well sir the question dltl come b fol'!l the courts, ancl was avowed; if t11e doct1·ine of the party was aso c 1·t~li to the ' uj;rcr~e Court of the Unitetl 'tatcs, in the dccL~i n in be that the Lcgl~l:LtU l'O of tho 'l'el'l'ltory, whlls~ a 't'crntory the Orcd Scott cnse, has detcnnlned-gcutlemen say It is existed in its incho:Lte organl~ati.on, ha~l no •·•ght t~> iukr­no d ~c ision-as doctrine, or as opinion, or In some way has ferc with SlavCl'Y, then it was saul, ng;itn an< I :Lgalll, tlt al declared that t.hc Congress of the United States has no no northern St><te could he carded upon th !Lt i( l'Ollnil., p wer so to legislate as to de ·troy the rights of th people of Mr. Clingman.-On t,ho q~ estion as to wheth •r a '~ •rrl­the South in thci1· slave pl'OiJCl'ty in the 'l'crrlt,o ri cs, anti the to rial Legiol:ttUl'C could lcg1slate ag:\lnst ltwe•·y or lor _it, ju,!!(es have said as:~ p•·oposition, so clear that it rC (tuircd 1 ask the 8cu:Ltor whether tl11\t would !'ot u ec~s~ anly no l•l'!;ument. that the Congress possessing 110 such power, be a question which •~ c< urt. must determine; that tf the It was plain tl;at it could give none to the 'l'errltodat Legis Ia- .LtJgls hLtur lugislatctl or _ac.ted in any WtL)', co.uhl w ~ , tty ture 1 do not understand that the gentl •m n from the North, ou1· opinious, settle it; or 1:! tt not, fr01n necessity, 1L Ju,ll· tl1e mcrnh rrs of the Democratic party, controvert t.h:Lt. cialque>tl u? . J\ut at a tlllle when we ~uppose I th:lt we all at len::;t.h Ml'. Jk>l.i>tmin.-'l'hc Senator ill dll'ectmg me entirely itoo.l UJJOn ouc colll>»Oll platform; tllat we had at last a out of the line of my arrrumeut. I must beg hl lll to allow