Political text-book for 1860 : comprising a brief view of presidential nominations and elections, including all the national platforms ever yet adopted ... with the most notable speeches and letters of Messrs. Lincoln, Douglas, Bell, Cass, Seward, Everett, Breckinridge, H.V. Johnson, etc., etc., touching the questions of the day : and returns of all presidential elections since 1836

Page 81

HSO A POLII'IC~\L 1'EXT-DOOK .F,OR 1800. declamttons that I am willlng to make before my own constituents; I made tho declaration!! that I am willing to stand here aml repeat. (Ailplausc.) Wo had coufl­dcncc in our own view of our own rights. Our northern frit.>nds hau their views. lL '' 11:; a parnuoxical question, an1l we g;Lve it. to the Courts. "Anti whl\tcvor U1e \>olltlc.tl drpl\r'tment or tlu: (')oVt'rltrnent sh1tll rccol{ol:r.e n.s wl t 1ln the limits of tht• lJ nl t1\li Htl\lcs th& .J utllclal Jkput·tmr~Ctt 111 nl~o llonnu to recog-nize, nnd to u.tJ. minister In It Ute lttws of Ute Unltt•ol Stat\')!, so far 1\S tlwy apply ~tnd to mnlntalu lu thr, territory th authority null rights oflhG CJO\'Or·nrncnt, nnd nl1:10 tho polltlcall'ightlu\J rights of proprrty of ludlvldual clth:ons ns secured by tho (.)omnltutlon. All wo mean to say on tbls polul18, IJul.tM t.bero !J! no Ollprc811 rcg 1 . lallortln tho Constitution ddlnlng t.bo powor w11kh tl1u Clcnerlll. Oovornmt•nt mtly !'xrrrlso ov"r tho prrson tll' property of cltlz('n In a territory thus 1\CQnlrNl. tlu• Conr t rnu~t nt'r<'M~ttrll1,1 look to tho pr·ovlslons nncl prln c lplr~ of th <'on~lltnllfl n ntrct It• dlstr·tbntlon of power<~, for lh•l rult·s and prlnl'iplt~li b} whlc~ Its decision must h<: i{ovorrrctL ., Well the Courts did deciue the very question, which had he~n submitted to them, not upon a ct~se from !\:an­bas but In another case. Without going into the argu· me~t for time does not permit of that, let me give you the c~nclusion. In the opinion of the Court in the case of Dred ::icott, it is said: "Upon thr~o consldcrnllon11, It Is tho opinion or thfl Court thnt tho net of Uongrcss which pr·ohlhlle n clllr.t>n from bolt ling ar~<l ownlnft pl'l>pcrty of thlR kind In tbo 'l't>rTirory of lit~• Uultru St:Lt('R, north of U1o llno lwrl'ln mcn ttont!cl. IH not w·u-rnnt(•d b( the Conslltutlon, and ls thcrefon: vol!l; uullhM m:lLht•r· I>re\ Scott hlmsolf nor uny of hlH family were made frc·e by being carr! •d Into this 1'Prl'itor·y, even if they had been carrh•d UH~ ro by tho owner, wltb the Intention of bccom· tog a permanent rcsiueut." Again: "Tho powers ovrr person tllld proprrtr of whil'b we Rprnk, arc not only not grnntcd to Conj:iro·~"• htn nr\l In cxprc~stt•rms d •nlt•cl and tht•y are forbhhlcn to !'Xerclso thf'm. And this prohibition Is not confined to tho Stntt•s, but thl.l word:< fll't' go.mer·nl and extend to tho wholt• territory on-r which the t:onstltt;llon gives It power to lt•gislato, lncluulng lhost· por lions of It rem:tlnlng undrr Terrltorlal gon!rnnwnt, :L-; wo·llltll that covcr·t•cl by i:)tatcs. Ills a totnl fthMt'IH:o of powo•r •vcry­wlwro within tho dominion of tho Unlteol Slltlt'!:l, 1\lltl pbtc•t•s the dU:r.eu or a Ttwrltory, so fnr ns thmw l'!~hl11n re concern oct, ort tho stLmo footing with citizens of tho l:lttLit'll, an1\ gnard~ them ns firmly and plnlnly ng11ln~t any lnro:td!i whi<'h tht• Ol'llOt·at Oovcmmonl might attempt, lliHit'r tlw plt•tt of loll \>ll t•d or lncldcnt11l power. And If Gongrt'R8 it!'lolf l'1Lt1not do tll~­lf It Is hryonol tho powers conforn·tl on tho Ftdt'ml U!Wt•ru ­ment- lt will ho adrnlttecl, wo pro·snrn(•, that It (·nuld not nuthol'i:r.o n Tcrrhor·hd govomment w I'X•·rrl:<t• th•·m. J t I'Onlu cr)llft·a· no powct· on any loci\! ~OI't'l'llllh·rH, o•!ilahll~ hf'd lly Its auLhodty, to l'iolnlo the pro11 ~lon,; of tbe ron:Hitutl<>u." Thus the highest court In the United .tate>~ scttletl the very question n:ferrcd to It as the <lisputcd point., not leg­blative in its character, on wh.ch Congress could not ~roc when the Kansas- cbraska hill pas:~crl 'l'hc view that we In tho Southern States ~ook of it was s ust;\ined, that in the 'l'erritories, the common property of the Union, peruling their 'l'erritori:Ll condition, Congress itself not· the Territorial Government had the power to confiscate any description of p opcrty reco~ni-.:ell in tho St:tt.es of tho Union. The Court drew no dt!i ti nction be­~ wecn ~:~laves anrl other property. It is ~rue some foreign philanthropi~t s and some foreign writers do undertn.ke to draw this distinction, but these distinct ions have nothing to do with out· Syt!tem of Government. Our (lovernruent rests not upon the !!peculations of phi !ant hropiu writers, but upon tht! plain unrlerstm1ding of a written constitution which determines it, anrl upon that alone. It is the result or po~iti ve law; thcr·efore we nrc not to look to the analogy of the supposed law of nation!-!, but to regard the Constitution Itself, which I~ thewl'ittcn expression of the r espective power:~ of the Oovemment aud the rights of U1e !:!tates. UNFRH:~I>LY LE•:t::;I.ATION. Well, tha.t being the ca•c, 1L11d it having hccn nuthorita­tlvdy determiner! by the very triburml t.o which it WILS re· ferret! Ur :tt Congres~ h:ul no power to exclude sla,_e property from the Terri tory, aud judi c inu~ ly dctermio~tl that the 'l'crritol'ial J,cgi>illtUrt•s, authorities create1l by Congrc~s, hatl not til" power to exclude or cont:i-~cntc slavo propct·ty, I confc.;s tlmt 1 hat! not tlnticlpate<l that the docll·incs of unfriendly ~~~i~latio n IVOulcl be set up. llcoce, I neetl not say to you tltu t I tlu not believe In the doctrine of unfrit·ntll.Y legislation; that I do not l>elieve In the authority of 'l'crntorlal Leghlaturcs to do by in<lirec· tion what they caunot do tlir·t!ctly I repo c upon the decision of the Supreme Court of the U11tted St:lles. as to the point thlLt ncltho:r CongreH8 nor tho 'l'errltorial Legis­lature has the right to oh~truct or 1:onn~cnte the property of any citizen, sla vt:s luoludetl, ptmding the territorial condition. (Applam1e ) I do not seu any c!;cape from th;tt tieclsion if you admit that the question w:L:; a jn1llciu.l one; if yo~ n.tltnit the decision or the Supreme Court, anti If you stand by ~he decision of tht' ltil(hest Court of the country. The Supreme Court secnH1 to trave r·c<·ognl&ed it as the du~y-tts the duty of the Ot>Urts of t.lrl!! Unitm In thdr pro· per l!phcre to txecute this constitutional right, thus adjudicnted by the Supreme Court, In the following Jan guage In speaking or the a cquisition of territory, the pronounce It a political question for Congress to deter tnlne what territory they acquire and how many. No mark the words o( the Oourt: So that In rcg-n.r rl to slave property, as In n·~ .. nl to any other property rt•eo~nlr.<•<l and g-nu nletl by the Const.itu. tlon, it IH the duty, according- to tht! • up rente Court, or aD the Co\ll't.s of the cou nt.r.v to protect nnrl guard It })y theb decision, whenever the que~tton Is brought before tlret11 'l'o wlrlch I will only add tlrit~, thttt tho j udicial declslnru in our f11vor mn!!t. be m:dntained-tltese judicial dccis1onr In our favor must be sustained. (Applau~e.) Sl.A V ~: CO IH:. If prc~cnt rcmcdie11 arc ndequatc to sustain these de· clsruns, I would have nothing tnurc done. I, with m11ny other public men in tire country, helievc lht.Jy are able If they nrc not-if they cannot l>t• enforl'erl for lfant or the proper lcgisbtion to enforce them, sullicient legi~la· tion must be passed, or our Ouvcrn ment is a failure. (Applause.) Gcutlctncn, I eco no escupc from that con· clu~ion. ~ At the same time, fellow-citizens, I mltk•• no hesitatioa in saying ~o you that I trust the litnc wi ll uever ct>we- 1 trust tire time will never come \vhcn it may be dec111ed necessary for the Cungrcss of the Unitecl ::!tales \lnllt. fo>rm to iuterft!rc with this qnestionln the 'l'er ritori e~ So far it has been only productive of evil to us, a nti itwoultl portend only evil in the future. At preMent there Is no question l>cforu Congress. No Southern Rl' pre~cntnti ve or St.:nator propo!le::l legislation on th, t poiutr-no corn· plaiut comes from any territo ry-there I;; no evitlenue that the cxi::~ting laws :u1d decisions of the Courts arcno1 adcC)U!ltc to protect every description of properly recog· uizcd by tire several States. None whatever. Thert!fore, lu nay opinion, and I submit it humbly and \Tilh dt!fc· n:nce, our true policy is not to anticipate trouble, but lo let the matter r est upon the Executive, up'.ln the existing law:t, and upon the deCitilons or the Conrts. (Applause.} I will add this: we must never give up lite principle, wr: must ucver give up the qnest.lon that luts heeu judiciously decided, tltat this consti tutional right exists. We musl stand l>y tltnt decision. We must h old to our constltu· t lonal r ights, but I would never prematurely raise th~ que~ttlon to distract tho country, when there is no voice calling for It, North, l<~n.st, South or West. (Applause.) I say we mus~ hold to the principle-we must stand by it. We stand In a good position. We have the Exeeutive, we have the l aw:~, we ha vt: the dec isions of the Courts, and tlmt il:l a great au vance from where w·e stood tlln years ago. 1 am glatl-nlthough we <.lid not succeed as we desired in Kansas-! am glad t!1at the territorial question is noa.rly fought out. It Is nearly fought out. I know of no existing Territory where this question can ari:~e. .As to the territory south of tho line, where slave labor Is really profitttble, I have not a doul>t but thnt the climate nnd Interest, an<! the proximity of sln. vel10ldcrs, and the Constitution and law~:~, and the decision of the Court, will sustain and protect us there in the full enjoyment or our rights, and In making Southern territory out ot Southcm soli. While I would not give up the principle, I never have believed, autl I do not believe no1v,tn Lhfl possibility of lavery planting itself in a terrllory agalnal the determined opposition of the inhabitants, nny more than I believe the institution of Slavery eoul1l continue In existence lu Kentucky for three years against the desire of the voters of tho Common\voalth, even with the con· stitutional restictious that u.t·e here thrown around it. Still, I would save the question and th~ principle, ~tnd never· let go t.laa cunstitutlonal riaht because our prot~o­tion in the Union consists in n :tri~t adherence to the provisions of th~ Constitutiou. When we allow an lnfrao· Lion of the Constitution on ooy one point, we los.c our claim to the observance o r t.ho whole. Wo should tnslsl to tho 1<\St that the Constitution of tho country shall be sustuinetl iu every particular. (A voice-" Oootl.") Till( PERIL OP' Tim COUNTIIl". FellO\\'·Citlzcns, ir you will allow me, r will offt!r fJU some ol>~ervationH upon another a~J)CC L of public nlf.lirs. We have been talking of things thaL concern us no mort than th\ly concern others, but we ha vc que~tlonslo deter· wine f hat corne nearer home-question~ tb.M como ~o oul llH.ECKINRIDOE ON REPUDLfCAXfSY. 151 4 ll •s A('currlin).( to my humhle Ju!lg.rncnt, the con­~ e~ < '0 ( our rottut ry w1L~ rtevcr· so penlouw a~ It is at. dillon . . 1 it tltill":; ••o 1Jrlfting on as they have of U11s hour .wl " " 1 f f •t r •t· '1 11 ,,.1, 0 to do.:lernlinc quest ou:t o ur uc L c 'liiC IVC ~ Ill • It j·,, tlt•trl lhc•tcrritnrial que:~tion. ~ a.r.) r' 11,, 11,t s 11c·1k in the spirit of an fLlarn rlst or a 1 rropc ' ' · 1 · 1 • IIi· Jcmngognt. l'llt ·, frrcc I lr~tve been acquatnte< WIIf! 1 t)llltl t, nf l' :t Ir b ( a llol 1111·n older and wi.s er thrtn mys.t: •s ay IU thtng) r.ltcre nevct' was a trmc wlt cn tlte tntcrr,:~ts of 8~.111 Uuion were 111 su much peri l, and whl.ln the fectln!(S of t us peoplt! were 80 much alienated as at this hour. ~:~~tain ly af tltt.J aspect of a!fftirs ut Washington Is In the Fli!(ille-t tl t·l( r<·c lndictttivc of tho feeling elsewhere, tln~t r~uaark I ~ truth. !lave, domlnnnce In the Northern States o~ t.!~o Unlor., w say of au institution of their Sllu tlt •rn rclaliv03 they a~ lutrborlng u relic of IHLrharll!rn? 'l'hat t:>hows you, fell o-.. t.Jitizens. tltcir lndoml• uhlc JHtrpo~c , their· tlcep-Mettted lmte. I am !wra·y that it cx it~ts, hut it!~ true. llow can you expect a great political or·gtwization that ohta ins jpower, to fail to exercise f hat pc>wer ~~h en in its opin ion this niou is otalncd ur dclilcllns to oue·halr, perhaps, of its iuhab ;tnnt:o~ , hy a r elic of b<trlml'i:Jru, which it cl~s· ca with tire crime of ~oly!):Uny. I S~WA (\!) Qt' O'flt.J),, I'I'S CAUS.J<:. Fcllow·citlz,.ns, tho danger arises, in the opinion of 0\tr wl sc~t. and best nwn, from the character nnd purpos.e nnrl llim of nn organ tzatlon In tltc country cnllcd tho Hc-jJUIJiicau party. . 1 do not think we fully realize what arc the ohJ cct~, purposes nncl al111s or the Republican party, what tt lutemle and what wuulcl be the consequences to us of tlleir s~ccess anti dominion in the Unltecl Stn.tes. If you will nllow me, tltcrcfon•, 1 have ga.thered. togeth~r three or four fact~-m c ro expressions-111cre rllustrataons or examples, frorn many tlwu!<ands of ki.u<l rc!l characters, for the purpost· of showing- what i.ts OhJects arc-to show what we may expect to follow tht!lr Mucccss. lllS Vfi•:WS 0~' HI~PUULICANISM. ••tret Is tlttir pl:dforrn, ma(\e three years ago, but beyond wlr ic lr th t•y luwc far advanced. Like alla~gres­slvc organlz.tll nn!l1 tho rcn.r mnk of the Jtcpubllcan party marches up 111111 conws upon the grout~d that the advanced !.(II<LI'II occupied months before, whrlc the nd· vanced gtmnl i~ goin~ ahea1i. Tho Rt:publicnlls 1tre rar In n.dv1wcc of tlu·i r platform, but we ltuvc tlterc e11ouglt to put us on o11r· guard. Whu.t arc 011r ril-{ht'l f Have we not n r ight to hn.ve our fugitives returrrtd? If th•·re i~ a plainer proviMion t~mn that In the l n~ tnrancnt, wh;tt is rt? Have we not It nght to live In pc 1\'e in this Union ? What was the ConstriU· \Jon forr rlt'cl rvr '? W!rcn the Constitution wa~ made, was it llllt Ill alit• hy hrel hr,•Jl? Wa.~ it I lOt llladc that thiS political Cll'l{llll iz:tllon Hlwultl he carrlc1l on In peace ILilcl harrnouy? II ave we not a riglat to dem!ul(l of •>ur Rister Sttttcs, t.hat wu rnny live t o!(ct.her iu )lCitce wi th Ot~r respective ~ t.: att• i n ~tit ution:;, with our whole clo rn csltc policy? And i.~ It tanL lL i\t'O~>I vrol;ltion of the Constitu­tion not. lo allow us to live in pea ce, as t.o refuse to rct.urn our fu~ ltivc'l from lalmr that. l ravu c;~ca pcd into othtr Sllttes f Du th t·y lntcn1l to do iL? No, they dt> not. •rtwy begin by dcdarltlf( the Declaration or Indepcuder.rc~ I~ a rule of our political a c tion. Here is the deci!Lratton or the Jtcpuhlican platforlll, !Ldopted three years ago, beyond which they have nuw far utlvan ced : "Rtsoloccl Thr\l with otu· l~• ·p uhlknn f:Lthrrs wo hole! It lo boa self Ol'i;lt>nt tr·t tth tlmt :~ll mo•n lli'C t•nduwt•d with the In· 1\lhmllblo right of !if,•, ltheny 1uHl U111 pursnlt u.f lmpp ln~HH\ ~nd lhn.t thol prhnru·y nhJt><:ttwtl ulterior tlt'!llgn ot our l•crlet·tt Oovornmt•nt Wl'r'tl to ,;'"'111'0 tiH:so rlKhts to nil pt: rHon~ lllldt•r Its exchtMivu j,u·lstllc-tlon; th:Lt aH Otu· ltt:pnhJte,w Jathr·rs, whon llH'y hntlltholt~h t •cl Htrw.·ry In nll our rill tiona! tt'l'l'ltoryl or·tlalned tlmtno pt·r·Kon ;;honld be dt>prlv ·d of Itt',~, lltwrty ant property, wlthonL tint> proct'~H ol' luw, It b<lt'Oilll'R our duty to mn.lutaln this provision of tin· UouHlitutlon rq.!tduHtltlltLltt•rnpts w violllle It f'"l' tho· p llt'jHIHC of esi.Jtl>lliihlnf( :-lavery in thtJ 'ft•r· rltol'ics ofth1: Unllttl ~t:ttt'H by posltlvu lq;lslu.tlon, prohlllltln~:: Its exlstcuco or t•xtt•nslon thcn·ln. This Is a. poslt.i vc pledge, that as soon as that party obtains power, it will recognize the equality of the negro with the white man. Its object will be to give hlrn tho~:~o rights to life, lil..>ert.v, tl.tl<l the pursuit of happiness. 'J'o maintain that equality whn.t follows? l~veryi.Jody knows that when they ohlain the power in the Di:;t.rict or Oo­lurubla they will abolish Slavery there ; when t.hey ob­tain th'e Jlowet· t hcv ~~ill uudurta.ke to nl>olislt it in the forts nrscnHlii' n.n(l d ock-y:lrds of tho United St1Ltes thro~ghout the', outh; they will undertake t.o abolish the lntemal sla ve·Lmde. Already they declare that not nnothcr Slave ~tu.tc shall be admitted into the Union, a.ntl they will go bcyon<l th :~t. !low CILil we expect to live in peace an<l harwony, when declamttons of this aort are utterc<l: "llrR()/nNl, 'l'lll\t tho ()on!illlntlon <'Onl'o:rs , npon ~ongr·!·~~ ~OVPrt<lgn tiiJWt·r Ol't't' tht: 'l't•rrltorlt.l6 of the U nlkd ~lJLLt'H for llH·ir· gm·t'l'flllll'llL, :loHl th:Lt, 111 the t~Xt:rds<J of this pow1:r·, lL 1:~ \Jnth lhr rll(hliLIIoitiH' irnpt·mth·r dilly of Congr•'KI'i, to prohihlL ln tht' TPr·r·ttnrlo ~:~ tho>!u twin relics ot' barbarlsm-pulygamy V.llol I'IILI'I'ry." 'l'hl:; is not ali. I could hav~· !, rough! here the dccltv-­atlons or Its r epre~cntatlvc and l •ading men from at.: p:u'ls of t.lac Northern :-:tatcH, going Infin itely further thu ~ Is conta ined there. All t>w me, !lr,wevcr, to read one or two Of the 1110~t Mtrikirag from the lllOSt erttillCnt Of the\: le:ulcrs. I beg you, fcllow-citizt n~ , though they mtty bt fn.miliar not to weary with It f1·1V t· \t rtlct~, for the o u• terance~ ~tre the ndlyirag cry or ruill ion~ of men. I ho14 In my hand a speech tlcll vered hy n ~crmt or of the Stnt.t of New-York who is to·clay the rnn t iullucutial publlt man In this Union on who~e words millionl:l hang, nn~ by whose di rection 'million~ rnov<'. 1!:4 thiJ the Uonstit .. tion and lJnlon that our· fat II 'I'll fnundt·d '? J,ast year iu n ~:opccch dell vcred at Hnchcstcr, th~ gentleman uttcrc<l the following language : "Our courtlry Is ltlhrntrl' whlrh (•xhllrlt!l, In full opt•rnUoa. two r tullcallr dlffo•r('nt )JOIIth:al ~<ystt·rn~; tho ono n·~tlnl( 0 1 thu l.llll'li!l ot' flt•rvllo: or· Hllwo lnt,or, the otht•r· on UlC busls oC volnnlfu·y l1Lhor of fret·nH•n. "The two RYHl<·ms nn: at once P<'rtw!l·c•l fo hr lnrongrnmu;. nut tilllY aro more th~tn lncougr·nonA. 'f hl'y nrt• ira·ompnt· lblo. They never hswo pcrmnucntly tXIlltt.·t! togt;llwr In one country an1llh<·y n •vor l'ttrr. . " ll lit;crlo tho two systrms have cxlt~tNI In rllfl•\t'Cnl Statc•R, but ~tde hy Rille w!U1ln the ArnPrlcnn l!nion. 'J'Ill!i hns ha[J· pen1:d bccrwsc the nlon II\ a conf '\h'mtlnn of Rtato·~ . Hut uu 1uaothl'r ttspt•ct tho Unlt1•d Hiatt•!! ronl:!tltute only <llll' nation. l ru:rt'fl!'ie of populntlon which 1M tllllnl( tho Htutl's out to ~ladr very h!H'd<• rfl LOgr:tJwr With IL IWW ttlld t'Xlt•ndt•<l lll'l \1 01 k of rn.llron<l!l nnd' t>lht'r IL\·crlltt'll, awl an ln lt•rnnl ('Omm.·n:o whl!·h <lally h1:romt•s mon1 lntlnr:tlc, Is ntpltlly hrlnc;lni; th,. ~tlltt•fl lrrto a hlght~r 11 nd moro pel'f<•ct SUI' Ia! unity or l'llll'lollr!lltlon. 'J'hJtll tho•sll nntagonl!lliC sy~t,•rns arc ~;on.;lltutlonally cowing Ira tO close contact nud culllKion results. Yes," collision ensues," anu hi>! P.rophecy was ful­! lllcd In less than twelve months after tt was made. "Sbnll I tell yon whnl this collision m Pnn ~ ? Tt .t~ nn lrrr· <'~lllb!l• contllct bl'lwcon opposlnif nntl ontlurlng lorct•s ; nud ~~rn;<:l\llf!,lhatlhu United ~liLit'fl must n.nd will, stJOno•r· Or lluc·r-. 11 •cn'rnc cntlr!' ly a shtvdwllllng n1illon, or l'll l(rl·ly IL frt'P labor ' tl J>'ltiH·r tho cotton nnd J'lce lll'lol" or HoutJ1 Cal'llllrm. nt\ 1 1;):~ 111;~a( plnntntlons of LouiBII\IIIt will nlli11Hitt'IY b<' tlltt'!l am f .. ' labor n11ct <'hnl'!(•slon and New Orlt•nw• hPI·orn'' mart !I ~ft. 11~ ~ltlmato merchandise tLiono · or· •l;;e the ryo· Ut•}tlll !l.llu 1 •I 1, t?tll'l<IR of l\11\R'lUChUSCtll:! ILIItl CIV \ lll'k lllll~t U,i:l\ln hO ' 1 • ~ndt:rt•d by thnh· fnrm\'ri! to sJ.n·p ('lllr Ul'!', und to the pro· Sdlllrl of'slaV('R 1\1111 HOHtoll and Nr•w York ht'I'OinC (\11('0 (I!;L on n k'l'S ( 1; 1.' tnUltlill th<• botllo•s llnc!Annl~ Ol llll'll. lt is m1 o•n f~a imlu ..rr r tco npprdwml this i•{ l'l'ILL tr·ut 11, tl ILL tl no t II<' I '.S ·!< O n·~.m, n.y tit. 1 ·ct•ssful ltl!t•mpt~; nt tlnul cumprnmr•w hctwt·•·n tht• 8 11)' o 111111 \~: c'::;t·LtOR nrullL Ill lb<: ('XI~lt·nr·c of tid-< l•rt ttL f..tct I ll\t ~:.\~tit·~~ ;II· 111;·ch pretend •d cornpromlsl'~, wht·n made, vuJn !LIIIft•phCIIl\: riLl. 11 'fheso thing:~ would have no conselmence If they were the individual opinions of their :llltltor, h\ot l!II'Y are the 0 • • 0118 of a. large and formidable and ~a·cm1n~ party In 1P. 1111u ·on. of a JHU'ty thl\t now claims a tnajorrty ln the Ht uosu sen ot f Jt•c presentn.tives, an!1 w 1I ·l l.1:' 1o o k·: ·-~ , a t no very r tn.nt da.y to have a 111njority in the ~cn:Lie. I n11k t Jil '·r that ,~as thu Union formed by our f:tthe~·s? Dl!.l ~0~ 1 anticipute such n political party wonltl ar tse to de- 11 y tl at there "is an lneprcsslhlc conflict lwtwccn op­e a~e ~nd enduring force!!" in the Unit •d ~tales? po;~~~ not my purpOl-IO to ch!Lrt\ctcri:r.c or btigmatlze this doctrine now, but to I!Ct forth what we arc to expect und wha.t we arc to meet. . d Rt t At a later period, in tho ~enate of the UntlC "' n c8 , thM same distlngubhetl ticnutor uLt •red .the ~oll~w!r g language, ( l well remcrni.Jer tho occmuon an{ ao speech :) II A frt•t• rtt•)lllhllcan noi'C'l'llllll'lll likt• this, 110[ 1~ ilho;tl\lllllll~ all itt! CIJII:IlitiiiiOlltlll !'ht•t·kll, Clllii<Ul }Illig l'o ~,(tll 1111( O'tllllllt'l'llt; til•: prl)tjl'•'fl~ of ~><>f'lcty. " . Is thttt In the spirit or our revolutionary ancestors? I! It In the ~p:dt of ou r· revolutionary nnccstors for a grea~ aud gr'Oiftng £>arty, that now claims, and perhap!f ,1 , 't • ect the provi~ions of lho Constitution t ·cy c;o~~kse~~ prevent them from tl.tidng t.hclr ouward ltrH lls c t<:1 1 eel they !rul•e u. frtcrltt.} uf construing progr:css IH e ~~ltich m·lkes it as dust In lht: balance. that m~truml'll~i. to uutho~ize them uot to rctmn fugitive 'l'hey c~t~struotll orlze them to make n " ar upon ono h.alf slaves • , 1~ au '·rhcre Is no proviHiOII of the Constltuhon of ~hhe nh,l tor!.ood in their way a~ to. any l'i~ht of ourt whtc a.h~ n!v!•e claimed upon • tI'! a g t cu. •• .n , u e ~ tion . Not ~~~~~~led he unnouuct! in the ::enlllt: of the t:u itcd t~t&d,