Let 'em Holler - A Political Biography of J. Bracken Lee

Sick and tired of politics

24 "Sick and Tired of Politics" Prefacing his remarks with "Never believe a politician," Lee hinted in August 1971 that he would retire at the end of the year and listed several reasons: his age, seventy-two; doubt in his own mind that he could win again; discouragement over his inability to convince citizens of the dangerous trends in government; and the passing of many of his friends who had delivered the vote for him in critical areas. In spite of these fears, his wife, Margaret, encouraged him to stay in the political fire: "She's an outgoing, friendly person and loves public life. She's naggin' me to go again." But Lee recognized that a long-time office holder inev­itably acquires enemies and that his candid stands on several issues made him vulnerable.1 He voiced special concern that federal poverty agencies were trying to turn ethnic groups against him: "The Negroes used to stand in groups and smile and cheer me. But in the Pioneer Parade last month, something was different. Not one Negro clapped or waved at me." He complained that people who for­merly did things for themselves were willing to allow the govern­ment to do everything: "Pretty soon, they [the government] will have an agency that cuts your lawn and waters it for you."2 The following month, Lee made his retirement official, con­cluding that Salt Lake City did not "really need a mayor" and that he was "sick and tired of politics and sick and tired of politi­cians." He was "no spring chicken," he said, and "there comes a time when all of us must think of quitting."3 Determined to go out just as flamboyantly as he governed, he complained that politics was "no longer any fun." People were becoming more critical of their leaders, and he did not blame them: "I'm dis­gusted with politicians as a rule, and politics in particular. I'm ashamed of the profession, ashamed of the people who are run- 325 J . BRACKEN LEE ning and mislead people to get elected."4 He accused the politi­cian of being a "sticky fingered" person who could not make a living in any other way.5 Editorial comment on Lee's exit from public life was prolific. The Ogden Standard-Examiner observed that whether or not one agreed with his "free-wheeling, blunt-speaking approach," he was nevertheless "generally respected for the courage of his convic­tions." 6 Perhaps the most significant acclaim came from the Salt Lake Tribune, which noted that the same "flair" distinguish­ing his governorship was evident in his mayoralty: His outspoken, sometimes brash, often unpopular views were given extra credence by the mayor's unquestioned honesty and dedication to principles of long standing. Many who disagreed with what the mayor said and did were nevertheless willing to accept his sincerity. . . . His protracted fights to curb the advances of big govern­ment were both acclaimed and denounced and at one time he was widely mentioned as a possible presidential candidate on a conservative ticket. But it was as mayor of Salt Lake City that he functioned best. The office and the man seemed made for one another. More specifically, Brack Lee brought the office up to the level of his excellence.7 Dexter Ellis, Deseret News political editor, voiced some senti­mental feelings about losing Lee, declaring that "Anyone who calls the Internal Revenue Service 'Public Enemy No. 1' can't be all bad." He promised that newsmen would especially miss Lee because he supplied an endless string of "quotable quotes." Besides, he "was always accessible, rarely ever said 'No Com­ment' and was always on the record." Ellis quoted the Lee state­ments that impressed him the most: "Only death and taxes are certain, but death doen't get worse every time Congress meets." Once, Lee called the Utah House of Representatives "a govern­ment of thieves, thugs and reprobates." Perhaps the most mem­orable was his admission that the United Nations actually did something of worth: "If I threw $100 bills out of the window, it would do somebody some good." Finally, Ellis thought it a measure of Lee's integrity, although perhaps political ineptitude, that he had criticized both popular and unpopular targets. Such 326 SICK AND TIRED OF POLITICS" integrity was his outstanding characteristic. Another was an ability to defy the political norm by "harpooning various sacred cows" whose support was supposedly indispensable to politi­cal success.8 Gov. Calvin L. Rampton sponsored an "Appreciation Ban­quet" at the Hotel Utah to honor Lee on his seventy-third birth­day for his thirty-two years of public service. It was attended by governmental, church, and business leaders, as well as many other citizens who overflowed both the Lafayette and Junior ball­rooms. Tribune columnist Dan Valentine, master of ceremonies, recalled his arrival to the city many years earlier. Having been in Utah less than a day, he found himself next to Lee at a Cham­ber of Commerce meeting: As soon as I sat down everybody turned their coffee cup over, which is rather unusual and strange. I mean, how do you know the coffee's lousy before you taste it? But. I'll always remember this-I turned to Brack, not knowing who he was at the time, and said, "Sir, what's with the coffee cup going over?" And he looked at me and said, "You're just new in town, aren't you, kid?" I said, "I just got here." He said, "Turn it over." And so I turned it over and they brought me orange juice with gin in it. I've been turning it over ever since.9 No doubt an apocryphal account, this story illustrated Lee's aplomb in building his career in a Mormon culture. Valentine remembered that Lee had always run an open administration and had opened many doors for him personally. Lee was "one of the few people in public office that when you ask him a question he gives you an answer right away because he doesn't have to think what he said yesterday." Valentine concluded that Lee was the kind of public official who kept everybody nervous, and "nervous men don't steal."10 Lee responded with great emotion and gratitude. He assured his audience that although he would never again be a candidate, he retained his strong views and willingness to fight. Then he told a story about President David O. McKay, whom he con­sidered "a good, personal friend." 327 J . BRACKEN LEE One day, I think he was in his late eighties and I con­sidered him to be quite an elderly gentleman, we had lunch with him. It was the day following the last football game between the Agricultural College and the University of Utah. By way of conversation I asked him, "Did you see the foot­ball game yesterday?" He says, "Oh, yes, I have never missed one of those games." He said, "I played on the first football team that the University of Utah had and 25 years later they invited this team out during half time. We were introduced and we stood in the position we played on the team. Now, they were all alive at the time, but there are only two of us left." He gave me the name of the other individual which I have forgotten. I said to him, "Have you seen him lately?" And he replied, "Oh, yes, I saw him at the game yesterday and I never got such a shock in my life. He looked like an old man!"11 Apparently, Salt Lake City citizens were pleased with Lee's contribution. A Tribune-sponsored poll in the middle of his final term revealed that six of ten Salt Lake County voters rated him as either an excellent or good mayor, an impressive accomplish­ment for a man in the twilight of his career.12 He also received a winning rating from Republicans, Democrats, and indepen­dents. In explaining this support, the comment heard most fre­quently was "he has the courage of his convictions." It should have been predictable, then, that Lee would con­tinue to influence city elections even in retirement. He had singled out Jake Garn, a member of the commission, as an early choice for his successor. Although he did not campaign for Garn, he quietly endorsed him, which helped to build Republican support. Garn was elected mayor by a "tidal wave majority" of 24,682 votes over Conrad Harrison.13 Lee's influence was even more evident in the case of city treasurer Jennings Phillips,14 whom he warmly endorsed for the city commission. Garn already directed the Water Department, and Phillips wished to take over Lee's bailiwick in finance. Lee handpicked his own successor in Phillips and succeeded in trans­ferring his own vote-getting ability to the new candidate. Phillips led the field with 31,744 votes,15 then freely acknowledged the 328 "SICK AND TIRED OF POLITICS debt: "One of the main reasons that I'm city commissioner today is that I had the mayor's staunch support."10 Lee exercised considerable clout even in the 1973 city com­mission race by severely criticizing his one-time associate James Barker. In an eleventh-hour maneuver the day before the elec­tion, Lee issued a written endorsement of Glen Greener and fol­lowed it with a television blast at Barker who, he claimed, was "not a good public official and should be defeated." He charged Barker with "creating turmoil in the city generally and in the police and fire departments, particularly, by trying to organize unions."17 More important, Lee claimed that the city had never received a satisfactory answer to "what happened to the $16,000 paid to the so-called 'phantom employee.'" He was referring to a unique incident involving payment of $16,743 in wages from Barker's department to a man who had never been employed by the department. Barker's campaign manager, Hughes Brockbank, called Lee's attack a "classic example of the old politics" and accused Lee of purposely waiting until the day before the elec­tion, "knowing that in this way the truth about Commissioner Barker would not-because it could not-be brought out."18 Barker lost the election to the virtually unknown twenty-seven-year- old Greener by 1,100 votes, and many analysts pointed to Lee's continuing influence as the significant factor. Unquestion­ably, Greener did very well in parts of the city known previously as Lee strongholds.19 However, there was a postscript to this election. The follow­ing week, Barker filed a slander suit against Lee, seeking $25,000 in punitive damages. In the suit, Lee was quoted as saying that Barker himself may have received some of the $16,000 paid to the phantom employee. "The statements . . . were made by the defendant with express malice, and with the specific intent of causing plaintiff to lose his bid for re-election," the suit charged. Initially, Lee stood by his statements and brusquely claimed that Barker had no case.20 But later in the month Lee's attorneys asked for dismissal of the suit based upon the "privileges of a speaker in a political campaign."21 329 J . BRACKEN LEE Finally, the suit was dropped when the two men agreed to an out-of-court settlement in which Barker would allow Lee or any other investigative body to examine all police records and docu­ments dealing with the investigation of the phantom employee. In turn, Lee agreed to make a public statement about his find­ings. 22 After a thorough investigation, he released to the press a letter to Barker in which he said: "Based on my investigation, I can now say that I have found nothing which would indicate any direct or knowing involvement on your part in the phantom situation." More critically, he added that it was evident that Barker's employees had betrayed his trust and misled him.23 When asked at the end of his tenure what were the most interesting times in his political career, Lee had said, "firing Cleon Skousen and my fights with Commissioner Barker."24 It is true that Barker acquired a reputation for controversy during his eight years in public office and was even nicknamed the "pornog­raphy commissioner" by those who thought his interests were too much devoted to one theme. When Barker left office he said he would not have done anything differently "as far as the big deci­sions go," but he acknowledged that he "would do it in a better way-so as not to cause such a furor."25 Garn agreed that all the "personal problems" and controversy were in Lee's and Barker's departments, and that both men would have been more produc­tive as legislators where they could have pushed pet programs, worked on specific ideas in committees, and introduced bills. In Garn's opinion, the responsibilities of the mayor for day-to-day detailed administrative work were not suited to Lee's talents.20 The use of invective against political opponents was an inte­gral part of the Lee style. Nevertheless, his unfortunate blast at Barker was particularly ill-timed and ill-advised, even if it was politically successful. Perhaps he unleashed such a capricious attack partly because he was out of office and partly because he had enjoyed long years of unfettered freedom from retaliation, based on his deserved reputation as an unbeatable campaigner. The freedom was finally tested; to his credit, Barker won his case in a bold legal challenge that repaired his reputation if not 330 "SICK AND TIRED OF POLITICS" his political career. Had there been other successful legal chal­lenges, Lee's career might have been less imposing. Lee viewed his major contributions in Salt Lake City as a balanced budget and "the greatest number of civic improvements that the city had ever had." He never voted for tax increases, but the commission sometimes overruled him; therefore, he was convinced that had he been in a mayor-council form of govern­ment he could have been more effective and more satisfied with his work. He was able to accomplish more of his goals as gov­ernor of the state because he was not handicapped by a com­mission form of government, which was like "having five mayors." He frankly considered his two predecessors, Glade and Stewart, to have been weak mayors, whereas Lee himself was the strong­est mayor Salt Lake could have had under its limited system because he "tried to do what was right."27 Without question, Lee made his greatest contribution as mayor of Salt Lake City. His political maturity generally served the city well during twelve years known for fiscal stability and capital improvements. Even though his principles remained constant, he was more temperate and more effective during his final years in office. On the other hand, his gubernatorial record was a study in contrasts. He was incredibly unfair in his approach to education, yet he was highly effective in accomplishing liquor reform. His passion for economy had both detrimental and positive results. He administered a government remarkably free of scandal; nevertheless, his highly vocal positions on public issues often undermined his effectiveness. He was absolutely devoted to principle, yet he descended to the lowest level of political infighting with numerous subordinates and officials. Although he gained a national reputation, he came to be reviled by many of his former supporters. Because of his bombast and moral insensitivity his record in Price was the least impressive; yet even Price sustained marked improvement during his leader­ship, and he left office a very popular mayor. In the end, it was the personality of J. Bracken Lee that dominated all of his political offices and superseded most of his accomplishments and failures. Not only was he Utah's best 331 J . BRACKEN LEE known and most durable politician but her most effective cam­paigner as well. He was both comfortable and controversial- the kind of politician who could arouse an angered voter to enter the polling place fully intending to turn him out of office. Yet, inexplicably, the voter would not be able to bring himself to do it, and he would leave, again having cast his vote for Lee. The perennial politician, Lee should not be confused with a political boss of the likes of Richard J. Daley of Chicago. He was too honest and candid for that, and he broke too many political rules. It could be argued that he was not even a good politician, as we know the term. He was not particularly given to compro­mise, and he often did and said the very opposite of what an astute politician in a quest for reelection would be expected to do and say. That was, after all, his most fascinating and endearing quality. Perhaps the most cogent summation lies in the state­ment, ironically, of a Democrat, Wayne L. Black, because it accurately reflects the consistent attitude of the Utah voter: Every county, state, and city needs a Brack Lee once in a while-this state and city needed Bracken Lee.28 332 "SICK AND TIRED OF POLITICS" 1Deseret News, August 11, 1971. 2Ibid. 3Ogden Standard-Examiner, September 29, 1971. 4Associated Press story carried in several newspapers, among them Idaho Statesman (Boise), November 7, 1971; Tulsa Tribune, November 11, 1971. 5Provo Herald, December 5, 1971. "Ogden Standard-Examiner, September 29, 1971, editorial. 'Salt Lake Tribune, January 1, 1972, editorial. 8Dexter Ellis, "Speaking of Politics," Deseret News, January 1, 1972. 9Record of Testimonial Dinner, January 7, 1972, Hotel Utah, Salt Lake City, Lee Mayoralty Papers. "Ibid. "Ibid. "Salt Lake Tribune, August 9, 1970. "Deseret News, November 3, 1971. Garn received 39,690 votes, Harrison 15,008. "Salt Lake Tribune, November 4, 1971. "Deseret News, November 3, 1971. In the city commission race, Jennings Phillips, Jr., received 31,744 votes, followed by Stephen Harmsen, 31,606, Richard C. Andrew, 30,951, and Stephen Holbrook, 13,800. Phillips and Harmsen were elected. 16Phillips interview. Phillips remembered Lee's specific role in the cam­paign through radio, television, and newspaper advertising. He believed that Lee helped Garn considerably also. "Deseret News, November 6, 1973. 18Ibid. "Deseret News,_ November 3, 1973. Dexter Ellis noted that opinion was divided among political analysts as to whether Lee's endorsement "helped or hindered the youthful candidate's drive." Greener did well in the westside, the southwest, and the south-central districts, Lee strongholds, although Barker led in a few precincts. University of Utah residential areas and the eastern Avenues districts, populated increasingly by young people, favored Greener. Greener also did well in the wealthy Federal Heights area, a GOP stronghold. Ellis added that Greener did carry out a more vigorous handshaking type of campaign than his opponent, demonstrating that old-style politicking can still prevail over media-oriented campaigns. Conrad Harrison said that Lee's comments "definitely" had a profound effect on the outcome of the election, and Jennings Phillips remarked that if Barker had lost by several thousand votes he would have discounted Lee's state­ments. But since Barker lost by a small margin, Phillips believed Lee's influence was important. Deseret News, January 6, 1974. 20Deseret News, November 13, 1973. "Deseret News, November 30, 1973. 22Deseret News, January 6, 1974. 23Deseret News, February 2, 1974. 2iDeseret News, December 23, 1971. 25Deseret News, January 5, 1974. 26Garn interview. Although Lee originally supported Garn for mayor, he soon became criti­cal of his behavior in office, noting that he "had shown some weaknesses." 333 J. BRACKEN LEE Lee viewed Garn as a "strong individual" with character but thought he was acting contrary to his own principles "in this begging for Federal money." He remembered Garn's voting with him in refusing federal money, "but now he's back there on his knees begging for it, and this disturbs me. . . . He's ambitious politically-let me say this!" Lee interview. Garn later became a U.S. senator. "Lee interview. 28Black interview. 334