Let 'em Holler - A Political Biography of J. Bracken Lee

The Last Campaign

22 The Last Campaign As Lee neared the end of his second term as mayor, growing disenchantment with his performance among some groups indi­cated that his reelection fight could be difficult. In no way did his problems compare with those he faced in his abortive third-term bid for the governorship, but by June it was clear that city employees were ready to work for his defeat. When an estimated 400 employees gathered in city commission chambers to discuss salary hikes with commissioners, Mayor Lee surveyed the room and said, "Never in my eight years as mayor have so many of you city employees been in this room at one time." From the back of the room an angry voice responded, "That's because we are sick and tired of you, Mayor!" The remark was followed by immediate and sustained applause, a sign of deep resentment over what employees regarded as salary inequities.1 But as September rolled around and the filing deadline approached, there was no sign of opposition to Lee. Pundits wondered if he might run unopposed in what had been thought to be his most vulnerable year in politics. D. James Cannon, former Utah Travel Council director and administrative officer for Pro-Utah, a private industrial development group, was con­sidering a bid. Cannon was studying the political scene to dis­cover whether the citizenry actually wanted a change in their city government-a key factor in his decision. In the meantime, Carl Buehner, former Mormon church leader and businessman, and John S. Boyden, attorney and sometime political candidate, both decided against running. Lee responded with typical pluck: "If no one else wants the job, maybe I should have my head examined for seeking it again." He scoffed at reports that he intended to use an impressive victory as a springboard for higher office, such as governor, senator, or as vice-presidential candidate 311 J . BRACKEN LEE with Alabama Gov. George Wallace: "My time has passed to try for offices on a state or a national level. I'm not even sure why I want to run again for the job I have."2 Two unknown candidates with little chance of winning even­tually filed: Joseph N. Nemelka, retired police officer, and Lawrence R. Topham, a business office manager. D. James Cannon delayed entering the race until literally the last minute, filing his petition at 4:55 P.M. on the last day.3 In fact, he only reached a final decision in the early afternoon, and then backers hurriedly rounded up the necessary signatures, acquiring well over the 100 needed to qualify.4 He maintained that he enter­tained no special desire to be mayor but finally decided to run because he saw no other viable alternative to Lee: "I believed he would lose if the people could see a viable alternative."5 In 1964 Cannon had been a candidate for the Republican nomination for governor (defeating Lee in the convention) but had lost in the primary election. In his statement of candidacy for mayor he said that Salt Lake City had "the potential to become the business and cultural center of Western America." That potential had not been reached under Lee's leadership, and there were many unresolved problems such as prostitution, a dying business community, and an airport unequipped to handle transcontinental jets. Cannon claimed that "potentially great strength from both civic leaders and city employees "was dissi­pated because of lack of unity and enthusiastic leadership."0 His enthusiastic campaign pictured a negative Lee who was against more things than he was for. Cannon's central theme was "What has the mayor of Salt Lake City Got Against Youl" Among the items he thought Lee was against were education, better vice laws, police promotions, improved morale among city employees, "complete law enforcement," and "turning over the police pen­sion fund because this is the only way he can balance the budget." Cannon suggested that after the voter had read the list, he would know that Lee was "against everything you're for."7 He also saw Lee as a "slasher"-the "costliest governor and costliest mayor we ever had. I believe in economy too, but you don't slash everything\"K 312 THE LAST CAMPAIGN Predictably, Lee's campaign was based on his major strength: economy in government. He pointed with pride to "8 years of balanced budgets" and also claimed the city had made notable progress. Employees had received "periodic wage increases and fringe benefits" putting them on an equal status with employees in industry. Lee took credit for the $19 million capital improve­ment program then being completed, which he had opposed when he initially ran for mayor. He unabashedly stated, "This project alone represents the most ambitious improvement in the history of the city." His friendship with the taxpayer was demonstrated, he said, by voting against a sewer tax and an increase in utilities taxes. He claimed to have earned hundreds of thousands of dollars through investment of idle funds-a total of $453,596.00 during the most recent fiscal year. He had forced the rebidding of the Salt Palace, thus saving the taxpayers $250,000. Finally, he favored strict law enforcement: I do not believe that a police department can ignore any areas of law enforcement, for the reason that if we are lax in the enforcement of liquor laws, narcotics, prostitution or others, this only encourages elements that lead to more serious crimes. So, my stand is that we are obligated to enforce all laws, and if strict enforcement is maintained, then and only then will unpopular laws be repealed by the people.9 Part of the campaign was devoted to a revival of the Lee- Skousen feud. In a television debate Cannon accused Lee of a soft approach to crime, exemplified by his firing of "a police chief who was trying to uphold city laws." Lee vehemently accused Skousen of dishonesty and added, "If I had my way he would have gone before a grand jury." Even though he did not consider Skousen an issue in the campaign, he expressed willingness to debate him. When KUED-TV offered him an opportunity, Lee hesitated but finally agreed to a debate the following day. Skousen thought it would be "exciting" for the citizens to learn of his own successful method of curbing prostitution.10 The following day Lee became uneasy: "Why should I debate him? I'm running against Cannon!"11 The day before the elec- 313 J . BRACKEN LEE tion, Skousen appeared on television alone and called Lee "the greatest single frustration to good law enforcement in Salt Lake City." He accused Lee of carrying on a libelous vendetta against him. He alleged serious deterioration of the police department over seven and a half years and noted that there were forty-eight fewer officers than in 1958. He praised his own record as chief, calling special attention to tavern self-policing and to his success in controlling prostitution.12 In spite of Skousen's best efforts, Lee won his final term as mayor by a scant 291 votes-25,715 to Cannon's 25,424. Although Lee must have been shaken by the narrow win, he wryly commented that "the first time I ran for Mayor of Price, I won by two votes, and these two votes held up in the recount. Compared to that, 291 votes is a landslide."13 Nonetheless, it was a far cry from the 1963 election which he had taken by a two to one margin. Indeed, Lee had been vulnerable, but he had also demonstrated a remarkable ability to pull votes from normally Democratic areas. A canvass indicated that he took the west side (which Cannon termed the "prostitute district"), the central region east of Main Street to Thirteenth East and from Sixth South to Seventeenth South. On the other hand, Cannon took Federal Heights and the Avenues (near the University), the southeast region, and Sugar House, where he was especially well known and had published a newspaper.14 Cannon believed that he had attracted the youth vote- 84 percent of University Village, whereas Lee got 74 percent of the "prostitute district." "I really thought he was soft on prosti­tution- they were arrested and then released a few days later," Cannon claimed. Voicing a common cry among losing candi­dates in a close election, Cannon insisted that if he had "had another half day" he would have been victorious: "Lee was losing ground fast. A lot of people of course voted for him because they knew the name and always had voted for him-and didn't know what he stood for."15 Since Cannon was an attrac­tive and vigorous candidate, his argument has some credibility. It was very frustrating to come so close to retiring Utah's peren­nial politician. 314 THE LAST CAMPAIGN Skousen believed that his name in the campaign was a posi­tive factor and "undoubtedly helped Cannon," because he was "not a hard hitting campaigner" like Lee. Skousen claimed that he encouraged Cannon to run, endorsed him, and gave speeches on his behalf.10 But Cannon denied any more than a "speaking acquaintanceship" with Skousen prior to the campaign and blamed Lee for injecting Skousen into the fracas. Cannon cred­ited J. D. Williams, University of Utah political science professor, with the suggestion that Skousen be utilized to strengthen the campaign.17 Cannon had summarily rejected the idea. Never­theless, Lee introduced the issue by predicting that Cannon would rehire Skousen if elected. Cannon maintained that he had no intention of either hiring Skousen or of requesting the public safety portfolio, since he did not consider it his strong suit.18 Cannon was convinced that Skousen hurt the campaign, because many people assured him afterward that they would have voted for him if he had not been Skousen's friend. More­over, he thought Skousen was ineffective, even a "milktoast," in his television appearance. Cannon was surprised that Skousen did not sue Lee for making libelous statements about him on television. In his opinion, the videotape would have constituted superb evidence. Cannon suspected that such positive action from Skousen would have been a boon to his candidacy.19 As for J. Bracken Lee, even a narrow victory was sweet, for he had acquired in Salt Lake City what he had been denied in state government-a third term. Nevertheless, he could detect the signs of political eclipse; at age sixty-eight he was clever enough to realize that he should make the most of it, for it would probably be his final four years in public office. There would be no bruising battle for an unprecedented fourth term; next time he would bow out gracefully while he was on top. 315 J. BRACKEN LEE teuscher, "Speaking of Politics," Deseret News, June 15, 1967. 2Ibid., September 16, 1967. 3Deseret News, October 4, 22, 1967. 4Deseret News, October 4, 1967. 5Cannon interview. "Deseret News, October 4, 1967. 'Cannon for Mayor Circular, 1967: "You know what you're for. Jim Cannon is for a Great Salt Lake City that is for progress, for growth, for you. Get the city you're paying for. Elect Cannon Mayor. Vote for the first name on the ballot-D. James Cannon." Copy in J. D. Williams's possession. 8Cannon interview. 9"Re-elect Mayor J. Bracken Lee, the Taxpayer's Friend," advertisement paid for by William Fields, chairman, Citizens for Lee, Deseret News, October 22, 1967. "Deseret News, November 3, 1967. "Deseret News, November 4, 1967. "Deseret News, November 7, 1967. "Deseret News, November 8, 1967. "Ibid. 15Cannon interview. lcSkousen interview. 17J. D. Williams confirmed this contention in a letter to the author, April 3, 1973. 18Cannon interview. 19Ibid. Skousen said he gave serious consideration to a suit against Lee that year and discussed it with attorneys. However, he insisted that he would have had to sue both Time and Lee in a joint action since Time had run an article quot­ing Lee's attack on Skousen. Since Time had no property in Utah, the suit would have been filed in New York, making the case weaker; hence, his attor­neys advised him not to "waste a lot of money." Skousen interview. Actually, the article referred to by Skousen appeared in Time in 1961, not 1967, and concerned right-wing organizations in America. It called Skousen the guiding light of "The All-American Society," a position he had taken with gusto since being fired in Salt Lake City. Lee was quoted in the article as saying that Skousen had operated the police department "like a gestapo." Time, December 8, 1961, p. 24. 316