Let 'em Holler - A Political Biography of J. Bracken Lee

Reelection, 1952

13 Reelection, 1952 In contrast to 1948 when he was the underdog in a Democratic year, Lee was protected in 1952 by incumbency and the immense popularity of Dwight Eisenhower. In the official announcement of his intention to seek a second term he dragged out of the closet the ghost of the Maw administration, emphasizing the lack of scandal in his first term and contrasting that record with Maw's liquor problems. He asserted that despite inflation virtually every department of government had reduced costs. As highlights of his administration he cited a building program, clean-up of the state's liquor system, elimination of politics from welfare, revamping of purchasing policies, and an accelerated road-building program.1 A conspicuous and revealing omission from his list of achieve­ments was education which, predictably, became the Democratic party's chief issue. Lee's Democratic opponent, Earl J. Glade, mayor of Salt Lake City, received the enthusiastic support of the Utah Education Association. The Democrats freely quoted Dr. Edgar Fuller's famous statement that Lee was the "worst enemy of schools among the governors of the United States." In cam­paign advertising the Democrats assured voters that they placed the child's education above the saving of dollars.2 Lee consistently sidestepped the issue. In a newspaper ad asking "Is Education a Political Football?" Lee supporters claimed "cold statistics," which they never produced, proved that the schools were in "good condition," that "enormous progress" had been made, and that problems were being met "through realistic studies." They accused the Democrats of fabricating issues "to divert public attention from the truly outstanding record of Governor Lee" and "away from the 'do-nothing' record of Mayor Glade."3 In fact, the Lee forces were using propa- 147 J . BRACKEN LEE ganda to divert attention from the education issue, without ever meeting its implications. In the meantime, Glade placed heavy emphasis on it, assert­ing that Lee had forced "school people" to rise up in defense of Utah's education. In an address to teachers he criticized Lee for slashing appropriations and for his relentless verbal attacks on educators. He claimed that the restoration of confidence in edu­cation and educators should be a major priority, and he proposed a six-point program to accomplish it: A school finance program that would guarantee adequate educational opportunities for every child. An effort to publicly recognize the importance of education in unburdening the welfare program. An effort to publicly acknowledge teachers as a group of loyal American citizens. A determination to support the State Department of Educa­tion as a useful and respectable part of government. A vow to permit school boards to perform their legal respon­sibilities without interference and pressure from elected offi­cials in state government. A promise to prevent partisan politics from affecting school policy.4 Glade charged that "retrenchment in education" was "hollow economy" and that an urgent need for building throughout Utah's forty school districts could cost approximately $80,000,- 000 by 1957. Unfortunately, said Glade, "the present governor is content to believe that education costs too much."5 Milton L. Weilenmann, Democratic state chairman, also criticized Lee for showing "his lack of intelligence to the point that he once said he thought too many people are receiving an education."0 Lee emphasized his own record of economy and lower taxes, claiming that Glade's record in Salt Lake City was one of "new and higher taxes despite increased assessed valuation." He quite correctly boasted that he had reduced property taxes every year of his administration and completely eliminated them the last year. Of course, such reductions were not good news for edu- 148 REELECTION, 1952 cators, since the property tax acted as a supplement to the mini­mum school program. Even so, using misleading political rhe­toric, he insisted that the public schools were receiving more money than at any time in history.7 He also said that economy measures had enabled Utah to use sales tax surpluses for a con­struction program. He proudly noted that the prison had been virtually completed during his first term and that every welfare institution and institution of higher learning had received a sub­stantial portion of the funds. Finally, he took credit for amass­ing the greatest surplus the state had ever known.8 Lee claimed that a "government which eliminates waste, bal­ances the budget, and reduces taxes is the real friend of the workingman." He felt that his record of a balanced budget and "enormous surpluses for building purposes" served as a complete contrast to the "do-nothing record" of Glade: The Mayor has advocated city income tax, has increased property taxes to the maximum allowable under the law and has added franchise taxes to city utilities which consumers must bear. With all this, he has failed to carry out the con­struction program he promised nine years ago.9 In a heated response, Glade maintained that Salt Lake City was never in better financial condition and its financial rating was the highest in the nation. The figures suggested that it would be debt-free in one year-despite investments in a water system, airport, and storm sewer.10 Glade called Lee's economy program "arbitrary" and singled out law enforcement as an example. He said that prison parole violators, escaped prisoners, and those charged with felonies fled to other states and then scoffed at Lee. They knew he considered it uneconomical to pursue them.11 Glade had touched a vulnerable area-Lee's known failure to seek extraditions. Peace officers realized that no matter how serious the case appeared it was useless to ask Lee to pursue it.12 Lee angrily replied that Glade's interest in law enforcement would be more credible if he had a record to back it up. He criti­cized Glade's enforcement division for the way it had handled the kidnapping case of Ricky Henricksen. According to Lee, "it was only by accident they stumbled onto the culprit."13 149 J . BRACKEN LEE Glade estimated that Utah's losses from year-round tourist business totaled $3,000,000 because of Lee's "peanut" economy in destroying the state publicity department. New Mexico had spent $271,000, Arizona $180,000, and Montana $50,000 on the tourist trade and all were enjoying much larger tourist busi­ness than Utah. This, said Glade, was an example of "Lee for me Economy." While Lee had saved the state a "few paltry dollars," it seemed that he had also deprived the tradespeople and the state of hundreds of millions of dollars.14 In response, Lee called the defunct Publicity and Industrial Development Department "a bankrupt program" that had spent $350,000 annually while Utah still ranked at the bottom of the states as a tourist destination. In contrast, he claimed his high­way program had aided tourism and that a record number of tourists had visited during the past year in spite of Salt Lake City spring floods, which gave "the entire state a black eye." He charged that the city's flood damage resulted from Glade's "do-nothing" administration which had failed to build adequate storm sewers or clean out existing ones.15 Glade called these charges unfair and maintained that Salt Lake City had met the flood emergency quickly and efficiently.10 With tongue in cheek he reminded Lee that he had not accused him of being responsible for the floods in seventeen counties of the state that year simply because he was governor.17 Lee was deservedly proud of the accomplishments of his liquor system. He argued that its honest and efficient operation had eliminated scandal, assured cities and counties of their full share of liquor profits, and cut expenses by $2,000,000 in three and a half years.18 But Glade questioned the savings and con­tended that the abolition of the enforcement division, when the local peace officer was already overburdened, had turned the liquor commission into a sales promotion agency rather than a control body as the law had intended. Glade incorrectly declared that the "brash action" had cost more than $600,000, plus an additional $175,000 in fines and penalties that would have accrued to the state treasury under effective enforcement.19 Finally, he noted that liquor consumption had increased and, 150 REELECTION, 1952 with it, auto fatalities and accidents due to intoxication. Remind­ing Lee of his 1948 campaign pledge to end carnage on the highways, Glade pointed to Lee's four-year average of 200 fatali­ties annually and accused him of setting an all-time high.20 Lee said the assertion was a "low blow." He characterized 1948 as the worst traffic year, even with the enforcement division still in effect. Since Salt Lake City received $250,000 annually from the profits of the Liquor Control Commission, Lee suggested that Glade employ an enforcement division of his own.21 Then Lee offered a curious interpretation of the highway statistics. He said that when the death rate was measured against the increased number of vehicles and the miles traveled on the highways, there was a marked decrease during the preceding four years. Lee insisted that the state road system presented a bright contrast to Salt Lake City's "deteriorated streets."22 In an ingenious effort to turn Lee's campaign theme to his own advantage, Glade claimed that "Lee for me" interpreted was "Lee for Lee" rather than "Lee for the Public." Utah, Glade asserted, was bored with Lee's bickering and fighting and his "continuous and unwarranted barrage attacking the integrity and intelligence of Utah's public servants." He cited Lee's conflict with Dr. Herbert Wagner, medical director of the Utah Crippled Children's Hospital, and accused Lee of gambling with a polio epidemic and destroying the children's hospital program. In another instance, Lee's interference with the highway patrol had allegedly caused Commissioner Hugh O'Neil to quit in disgust. When he antagonized the Department of Public Health, there were more resignations.23 After Lee fired Warden John Harris, he meddled constantly in prison administration. In Glade's opin­ion, the prison should be administered without gubernatorial interference or dictatorship.24 Glade described his plan for government as "wise investment and careful spending" and pledged that he would work for water and soil conservation, promotion of the tourist trade with access roads to the state's scenic attractions, a highway program using federal aid, and restoration of harmony and cooperation among state employees, department heads, and the legislature.25 151 J . BRACKEN LEE Lee sneered at Glade's program, calling it a means to "restore harmony to state government by saying 'yes' to everyone."2 As for himself, his only pledge was to continue to operate govern­ment honestly, efficiently, and economically and to ensure fair and equitable treatment without special favors.27 Probably the most detrimental issue to the Glade campaign was the controversy over elevating Weber College to a four-year institution. Glade was believed to favor such a proposition; but well into the campaign A. D. Allen, Cache County Democratic chairman, inserted in the Ogden Standard-Examiner an adver­tisement claiming that Glade had not promised Weber a four-year college because the economy would not permit it. Allegedly, the institution would cost the state several million dollars, and the people should not be asked to "shoulder additional tax burdens."28 The Ogden community became agitated, and the Standard- Examiner responded with a caustic editorial accusing Glade of distortion: "Earl J. Glade knows the real facts about Weber Col­lege." The editors affirmed that the Weber College bill asked for only $94,000 for the first two years as a four-year institution. The editors urged those who had formerly supported Glade to realize "who is the snake in the grass" and vote for Lee instead. Perhaps, they suggested Mayor Glade's promises were "coming home to roost. What will he repudiate tomorrow?" Leaping at the political advantage, Lee accused Glade of "vacillation, fence straddling, and indecision" and declared resolutely, "Earl J. Glade has played the people of Weber County for saps and suckers."29 Unfortunately, the Ogden advertisement was a misunder­standing. Glade maintained that it had been run without his knowledge or authorization and insisted that his position on Weber College remained unchanged-he strongly favored four-year status. Democratic State Chairman Weilenmann denied that he had authorized the ad and theorized that Allen had done it in an effort to carry Cache County for the Democrats, because some of them had opposed Glade's position. Although they were charged for the ad, the state committee had not paid for it.30 152 REELECTION, 1952 Whatever the explanation, the damage was done. Glade appeared to be indecisive and untrustworthy, while Lee as the more experienced politician capitalized on it. Lee claimed that the surprise of the campaign was Glade's "willingness to abandon his former character" and resort to desperate tactics. He asserted that numerous charges "had been made without basis in fact," that promises of a contradictory nature had appeared, and it was probable that "still further campaign tricks" would be exposed.31 Angered by Lee's response, Glade bemoaned the attempt to convince people to close their eyes to his years of honest service and to believe that he was suddenly dishonest, extravagant, and capable of promising everything to everyone in "a wild orgy of vote-getting."32 But Lee would not relent. On the eve of the election he ran a newspaper ad alleging that Glade had promised strike funds in return for the labor vote and that he planned to ask for a law granting unemployment compensation to employees of a struck plant after a certain number of days. Lee wondered if Glade would raise taxes to get the money. Then, self-consciously, he berated Glade for the Weber fiasco by asking, "Would you continue to promise a four-year Weber College?"33 The prevalent assertion that Glade was "out of character" in his race for the governorship became the essence of the Lee campaign. As one advertisement said: Let's keep them both in the jobs where their know how born of experience will pay off in service to the public. Glade an experienced Mayor, Lee an experienced Governor.34 Another asked, "If Glade were elected Governor, who would become Mayor of Salt Lake City?"35 as if it were ridiculous or irresponsible for Glade to seek the office. Yet, Lee supporters claimed Glade should remain as mayor even though they believed that he lacked the experience to be governor. The paradox that was never answered was this: if Glade was not fit to be governor, why was he fit to be mayor? Milton Weilenmann bitterly objected to the direction of the campaign and charged Lee with distorting Glade's views because he feared him as a credible candidate. Glade was regarded as a 153 J. BRACKEN LEE man who personified decency and honesty and therefore would be difficult to defeat, according to Weilenmann. He reasoned that because there was no hint of wrongdoing or dishonesty in Glade's record, Lee's forces grasped at straws, resulting in an unfair and "dirty" campaign. "If you would believe the hysteri­cal rantings of the governor," said Weilenmann, Glade was "a poor, spineless man captured by a bunch of crooks and noth­ing more than their dupe." Weilenmann argued that such a tactic was "more than foul," it was an "insult to every Utah voter."30 Lee handily defeated Glade, 180,043 to 147,207, receiving 55.1 percent of the vote and running significantly ahead of the rest of the state ticket.37 In a clean sweep, Republicans were also elected to the other four state offices-secretary of state, attorney general, auditor, and treasurer. It was a complete reversal of 1948, capped by the election of a Republican legis­lature. Although Lee shared in the Eisenhower national sweep, the Tribune claimed the victory was an "endorsement of the man himself." In a statement suggestive of campaign folders, the editors said: The voters recognized Governor Lee as a man of courage and honesty and remembered that he had fulfilled his previ­ous pledges of economy in government. The Governor cam­paigned with the forthrightness which has marked his whole official life. His opponent, on the other hand, was completely out of character. It was a question of the voice of Jacob and the hands of Esau.38 Lee had succeeded in neutralizing the potentially dangerous education issue and capitalized on Glade's mistakes. Even the Tribune took the Republican party line against Glade. Yet, Glade was a devout Mormon, a man of spotless reputation, almost universally respected, presenting a startling contrast to Lee. He had founded the church-owned and -operated radio station KSL and acted as its president prior to election as mayor. Like Maw before him, he was a member of the LDS church's Sunday School General Board. Also like Maw, he failed to get church support for his drive to be governor even though church leaders held him in greater respect than they did Maw. There is 154 REELECTION, 1952 no doubt that the church supported Lee in 1952-not Glade- in spite of Glade's exemplary life. For instance, the Deseret News revealed its Republican bias in this observation after the election: The re-election of Governor J. Bracken Lee must be viewed as a solid endorsement of his political philosophy of govern­ment by practical common sense. Probably no chief execu­tive in the State's history has been so consistently under fire from one group after another because of his economics and policy decisions, made without fear or favor, but in what he considered the best interests of the state as a whole. He has stood firmly on his record, and he campaigned on a platform of four more years of the same. . . . Salt Lake City may feel a certain sense of double victory in the governor's re-election, in that his opponent, Earl J. Glade, will now resume his duties as Mayor, a position he has occupied with dignity and administrative accomplishment for the past 9 years.39 Lee's description of the day after the election provides addi­tional insight. President and Mrs. David O. McKay attended a luncheon in honor of the Lees and the Glades. Lee recalled that the Glades were standing next to the McKays when he and his wife entered the room. President McKay said to Lee "with a rather loud voice, "Am I glad you won that election!'" Lee was embarrassed because of Glade's presence, but he reasoned that McKay preferred him to Glade because he had no use for Rennie [L. C ] Romney-he hated Rom­ney with a passion-and Romney controlled Glade. Every­body knew it, see. Romney'd pull the strings and Glade'd jump. And I think that's how he got the nomination for gov­ernor. Romney got him in the party.40 Convinced that Glade was "told what to say," Lee believed that Glade was a weak candidate for governor: Earl was always a sort of a conservative, good talker . . . never offend anyone, and he let some of these Democrats get a hold of him and he changed his whole position and he was out of character. I think he would have been a strong candi­date if he'd a just stayed Earl Glade. But when he got out of character, he was lost.41 155 J . BRACKEN LEE Recalling that Glade was elected mayor of Salt Lake City on a nonpartisan ballot and had never had to prove his party affilia­tion, Lee insisted that Glade was a lifelong Republican from a Republican family.42 Through the course of the campaign, Glade had denied these accusations, and Mrs. Glade had reaffirmed those denials.43 It is commonly believed that Glade did not campaign aggres­sively enough. That he was somewhat inexperienced politically is borne out by his postelection letter to political scientist Frank Jonas: "Actually, I know nothing about politics and have no political contacts . . . during the campaign for governor, nearly all the monetary support I received came from Republicans."44 These comments tend to reinforce Lee's interpretation of Glade's political expertise and his affiliation. With all of the forces working against Glade-his church, Salt Lake's two major newspapers, and his own ineffectual cam­paigning, not to mention an incredibly popular Republican president-his impeccable credentials meant virtually nothing. Besides, he was running against a man who had by 1952 become a seasoned politician with a bonafide conservative record. Utah was comfortable with J. Bracken Lee. 156 REELECTION, 1952 4Deseret News, June 29, 1952. 2Salt Lake Tribune, November 1, 1952. Ad paid for by Oscar W. McConkie, a Democrat, former judge, and mission president for the Mormon church. 3Frank Jonas, "The 1952 Elections in Utah," Proceedings of the Utah Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters 45, part 1 (1968) :51. 4Salt Lake Tribune, October 16, 1952. ^Salt Lake Tribune, October 18, 1952. GSalt Lake Tribune, October 16, 1952. See "Battle Corner," a regular cam­paign column for Republican and Democratic state chairmen before the election. 'Salt Lake Tribune, October 16, 1952. sSalt Lake Tribune, October 17, 1952. sSalt Lake Tribune, October 21, 1952. 10Salt Lake Tribune, October 29, 1952. "Salt Lake Tribune, October 17, 1952. 12Ibid. 13Salt Lake Tribune, October 18, 1952. 14Salt Lake Tribune, October 23, 1952. 15Salt Lake Tribune, October 25, 1952. wSalt Lake Tribune, October 29, 1952. "Salt Lake Tribune, October 26, 1952. lsSaltLake Tribune, October 18, 1952. wSalt Lake Tribune, October 19, 1952. 20Salt Lake Tribune, October 24, 1952. 21Salt Lake Tribune, October 23, 1952. 22Salt Lake Tribune, October 26, 1952. 23Salt Lake Tribune, October 21, 1952. 24Salt Lake Tribune, October 22, 1952. 25Salt Lake Tribune, October 28, 1952. 26Salt Lake Tribune, October 24, 1952. Lee also said that Glade told every spending group, "If you will vote for us we will give you a blank check." See Salt Lake Tribune, October 22, 1952. "Salt Lake Tribune, October 28, 1952. 2SSalt Lake Tribune, October 30, 1952. 29Ibid. 30Ibid. 31Salt Lake Tribune, October 31, 1952. 32Salt Lake Tribune, November 1, 1952. 33Salt Lake Tribune, November 2, 1952. 34Salt Lake Tribune, October 24, 1952. Paid political ad by C. C. Cotton. 35Salt Lake Tribune, November 1, 1952. The idea expressed in this ad was prevalent in other advertising throughout the campaign. 3aSalt Lake Tribune, October 17, 1952. "Salt Lake Tribune, November 6, 1952. 38Ibid. 39Deseret News, November 5, 1952, editorial. 40Lee interview. Mrs.. Earl J. Glade asserted that she never heard President David O. McKay make that statement. Sarah R. Glade to author, September 5, 1975. 157 J. BRACKEN LEE L. C. ("Rennie") Romney was a prominent Democrat who became a Salt Lake City commissioner and was a candidate for governor on the Democratic ticket in 1956 when Lee sought a third term. Unfortunately, Romney declined to comment to the author on Lee's assertions. "Lee interview. 42Ibid. 43Glade to author. "Earl J. Glade to Frank Jonas, quoted in Jonas, "The 1952 Elections," p. 55. 158