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Show Hinckley Journal of Politics Spring 2000 tion is that they will be less likely to immigrate. The initiative furthers national assimilation by trying to control and limit the people who would have been assimilated and neutralized. Prop. 187 has a unique role in the assimilation context in that it does not help to assimilate but rather tries to render illegal "aliens" invisible (Lennon 1998, 84). Proposition 187 illustrates the "dual personality" of American nationalism in that at first glance, the initiative procedure "appears firmly grounded in American and democratic ideals of individual rights to self-government" (Lennon 1998, 88). In reality, it invokes collective voice to claim damage to stimulate nationalism, but begs criticism of a de Tocquevillian nature, for "what lies behind the popular legitimacy and American unity may be troublesome passions and silenced dissent" (Lennon 1998, 96). Lennon concludes that "the transnational communities' return to ethnicity in the face of America's last breaths of nationalist exclusion," could find themselves "in the odd company of some American nationalists relying on their own ethnicity in the face of what they deem an emerging 'alien nation"1 (1998, 98). In this way, American nationalism works against the very principles at its core. Conclusion The competition between political ideas about roles of government, particularly civic republicanism and liberalism, the belief in a national myth with origins in religious thought, and the conflict between holding to cultural roots and imagining civic identity support constructivism in explaining American nationalism. Enigmatic and seemingly contradictory, American nationalism exists with a delicate balance between several extremes. On one hand, liberalism calls for individuals to pursue self-interest, while civic republicanism finds virtue in public participation. American nationalism preaches doctrines of inclusion, but examples of exclusion exist in great number. Stressing religious tolerance, it requires belief in God in some form of religion. Espousing individual rights, it calls for ethnic assimilation rather than multicultur-alism. However, in America extremes never permanently win as the war of ideas in media provides opportunity to change minds and hearts. As media become chief in creating forums for interaction and beliefs, constructivism best explains American nationalism. With competition comes variation and with time comes change. In a land of opportunity, identity proves unfixed and malleable. On the other hand, identity may consist of specific requirements, the violation of which necessitates exclusion. Here, the "melting pot" of America comes into direct conflict with multiculturalism. However, America's success results precisely from elements perceived as weakness, in that agreement and disagreement yield competition invariably producing a better product. In this light, new ideas lead to constant change, causing America to rise to the occasion and create a "civic ethnicity" where "one out of many" become "many as one." References Adams, John. 1998. "A Defense of the Constitution of the United States." In American Political Thought. Ed. Kenneth M. Dolbeare. Chatham, NJ: Chatham House Publishers, Inc., 76-82. Adams, Samuel. 1998. "The Rights of the Colonists." In American Political Thought. Ed. Kenneth M. Dolbeare. Chatham, NJ: Chatham House Publishers, Inc., 44-48. Anderson, Benedict. 1991. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, New York: Verso. Barone, Michael. 1993. "The Triumph of American Nationalism." Public Interest, 111: 41-55. Citrin, Jack. 1990. "Language Politics and American Identity." Public Interest, 99: 96-109. 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