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Show [ 18 ] [ I9 l Occafion, and not limited by their Subordination to the Mother Country, it may in every Cafe, which would make anotlaer Appellation more Part of the Britt/l1 Donziniom, but the molt important Interel'ts, perhaps the ultimate Prefervation proper to defcribe their Condition, than the Name by which their Inhabitants have been ulually called, and have gloried in. Becaufe the Parliament may, when the Relation between Great Britain and her Colonies calls for an Exertion of her Superintendence, bind the Co- lonies by Statute, therefore a Parliamentary Interpolition in every other Inllance, is juljtifiable, is an Inference that may be denied. On fome Emergencies, the King, by the Confl'itution, hath an abfolute Power to provide for the Safety of the State, to take Care, like aRo- man Dictator, ne quid Detrimenti eapiat Refimolica, and this Power is not fpecifically annexed to the Monarchy by any exprefs Law ; it necefiarily re- of Great Britain from Del‘truétion, elTentially depended ; I fay, on this great Occafion ofthe molt important, and national Concernment, the Briti/l: Minzflers were f0 far from calling upon tlae Honfl: of Commons, in their peculiar Department, to Give and Grant Property, belonging neither to Them- felves, nor their Conl'tituents, that They directly applied to . the Colonies to tax Themfelves, in Virtue of the Authority and Privilege conferred by their Charters, and promifed to recommend it to the Briti/ly Parliament to grant them a proper Compenfation for the Expence They fnould incur in providing for the general Service-They made good their Promife; and, if all the Money raifed in the Colonies, by Acts of Affembly, in purfuance of the Requifitions of the Britt/l) Minifters, hath not been repaid by Parliament, a very confiderable Part of it hath. fults from the End and Nature of Government, but who would infer from this, that the King, in every Inll'ance, or upon every Occalion, can, upon the Principles of the Conititution, exereife this fupreme Power 9 The Britifli il'finiflrrs have, in the molt effectual Terms, at different Periods, from the Reian of Charles II, to that of the prefent King, recoggized this Dillinction in their Requifitions, tram‘mitted to the Colonies to raile and levy Men and Money, by Acts of Afi‘embly; and recently, in the Courfe of the hit War, they were f0 far from thinkin that it was proper for the Bri/i/ly Hon/e of Common; to Give flfé'd'Gi‘A'f‘tl' the Property of the Colonies to flipport the military Operations in fllttt'l‘tc‘d, upon which 'aiotonly the immediate Protection of that " ' i. i] Could They, who made the Requifitions I have mentioned, or the AH'emblies that complied with them, intend, or imagine the Faith of the Engli/l) Government was to be preferved by a Retribution, at one Time, of the Money dilburfed at the InFrance, and upon the Credit of the Britt/l) Mini/try, enforced and fupported by Royal r/flitmnees, and by taking it back again at another Time? Is this Method of keeping the Faith of Government to be ranked among the " Improvements which have " been made beyond the Idea of former Admi" nillrations, conduéted by Minifters ignorant " of the Importance of the Colonies, or who " impotenrly neglected their Concerns, or were " diverted by mean Purluits, from attending to " Them E" Is it abfolutely certain, that there never can, at any future Period, arife a Crifis, in Part D 2 which |