Corinne - The Gentile Capital of Utah

Gentile capital

<°jBjfia Gentile Capital Descriptions of Corinne In considering the war waged by the Gentiles of Corinne against the Goliath of the Mormon western empire, it will be helpful to con­trast the image Corinnethians had of themselves with that of more-or- less objective visitors who spent a day or so in the town as they interrupted their travels across the continent. Discounting as much as possible the bombast endemic to most frontier newspapers, the Re­porter of Corinne, nevertheless, has left a picture of the optimism and hope, tempered by the unspoken fears and uncertainties, that perme­ated the articles and editorials of the town's daily journal. A constant theme, pursued by the various editors, compared the potential of Corinne with the already evident success of other well established and much larger western cities. When a traveling corre­spondent spoke glowingly of the extensive business conducted in Sacra­mento, the Reporter rejoined that the California metropolis was twenty times the age of the new Utah town and that as soon as Corinne had accomplished about a dozen major objectives, among them building a railroad to Montana and colonizing the entire Bear River Valley, it would rival Sacramento or any other western city. Later, the editor pointed out that of the $7,920,708 in earnings for the Central Pacific Railroad in 1870, Corinne ranked second only to Sacramento in importance on that rail line. Even Seattle came in for 65 its share of disparagement as the Reporter discounted the prospects of the city on Puget Sound.1 But Ogden and Salt Lake City received the most concentrated attacks, the former being "merely a lunch station . . . a village more stupid than Sleepy Hollow," while the latter "is today a more gloomy place than Ogden itself. Daily in the many stores of that decaying city can be seen the merchant vacantly staring at the deserted street and behind each counter the idle salesman doing the monotonous duty of a statue." The editor advised the merchants of Zion to come to Corinne to buy their goods and supplies at the emporium of the western hills. And in response to a Salt Lake Herald editorial about a possible upswing in business at Corinne, the Reporter thanked his Mormon rival for his conversion but refused to admit that Salt Lake City would remain for long the metropolis of the Intermountain region.2 Whenever possible, the town newspaper liked to quote statistics proving growth and superiority: The average monthly mail of the post office amounted to 15,000 letters, or taxable property worth only a dollar and a quarter an acre at the time of the founding of Corinne was estimated to have a value of a million dollars just fifteen months later.3 As for new stores and hotels, the Reporter noted in August 1870 that there were more buildings under construction in Corinne than in the entire territory of Utah, and yet travelers were still desperate for accommodations. Despite the elegant appointments of the Metropoli­tan and the Uintah House, a new and larger hotel was needed, one that could compete with any rival between Chicago and San Fran­cisco. One cautious home owner who had put his house together in sections, using wagon bolts so that he could easily move hearth and home to whatever new town might offer better possibilities, now wished to sell the "iron fastenings [as] no longer needed in the im­movable structure." The editor complained that many who might settle in Corinne could not do so for lack of suitable dwellings.4 The Reporter thought that everybody in the western territories was on the way to Utah, especially to Corinne, the gateway to the riches of the West. In fact, San Francisco and Chicago were locked in competition to supply Corinne, with the former seemingly in control but with Chicago also filling its share of orders.' The town's prosperity 66 Corinne was reflected by the fact that citizens of fourteen different states and six foreign countries were registered at one of the hotels during one week; that real estate was selling for seventy dollars a front foot on Montana Street; that one saloon had sold forty-one barrels of whiskey during one day's business; and that several mercantile houses con­sidered it a dull day when their cash sales fell to a thousand dollars a day. By the late spring of 1872, the railroads were so busy they were "vomiting Montana freights . . . at a fearful rate," and the editor of the Reporter cautioned his fellow townsmen to "be careful that our rapid strides toward metropolitan precedence does not render us over­weening toward our lesser neighbors in the Territory." ° This grandiloquent boosterism became particularly evident as Pioneer Day approached on March 25 of each year and also at any other random time. As the Reporter explained in July 1871, "two years ago the play ground of jack rabbits and lizards," Corinne was now larger than many towns of ten years existence with its earlier transient population replaced by established families.7 Newcomers were crowding into this most stimulating and attractive valley and to the town built by workers of true grit. In short, said the Reporter, "The future has no cloud save it be one of silver lining." s When map-maker B. A. M. Froiseth approached the town fathers with a proposal to print a map of Utah including one of Corinne, they insisted that he must give the town a prominent place in his portfolio and that the map of Corinne must be as large as that of any other city in the terri­tory. 9 The Reporter even fell into the habit of jocularly announcing that prominent world leaders were on the verge of visiting Corinne, until residents came to believe that the Grand Duke Alexis was actually on his way to Bear River, only to discover that the duke was a bear that was to be butchered by a local meat shop.10 The friendly Salt Lake Tribune often helped promote Corinne by advertising such products as Ransohoff's Pride of Corinne, a choice smoking tobacco. One lady traveling to Corinne "on the strength of the praises sung by the Reporter" became very angry upon arrival "to find things so mis­represented." " A New York Tribune correspondent painted a truer picture of Corinne in June 1870 with his description of the frame and canvas shanties and the row of drinking saloons fronting the railroad track. And a year later George A. Crofutt could still note the primitive Gentile Capital 67 appearance of most of the buildings, although he did see more sub­stantial structures being erected.12 About the same time, a reporter from the Ogden Junction observed that although Corinne was not "pleasant to the eye" at first glance and looked "like a scattering pile of good sized dry goods boxes," nevertheless, "the street is graded and gravelled splendidly, dashing teams and fine vehicles spin along at a spanking rate. . . . " Perhaps a Salt Lake Herald writer made the most objective appraisal, indicating that Corinne was "neither an incon­gruous mass of dilapidated canvas structures, nor an Athens." 13 Most strangers noted at once the contrast between the tree-lined and shaded Mormon towns and the Bear River town's entire absence of trees, shrubbery, and, as far as we could see, vegetation of any kind. . . . Corinne looks bald and barren, like a head without hair, like a face without eyelashes. It has a dry and parched appearance and makes one thirsty to look at it.14 Baron de Hiibner agreed that, except for some feeble attempts at gardening, there was no greenery at all, not even a single tree to pro­vide an oasis in the desert that was Corinne. Even after four years of existence and attempts to improve the parched appearance of the town, the Salt Lake Herald thought, "Corinne smacks of the plains. It is sandy, new, business-like, and comparatively unshaded." ir' Visitors to Corinne were unanimous about one thing - its hus­tling, bustling activity. The adjectives most commonly used in descrip­tion were: brisk, live, earnest, and important.10 John Codman was there on "an unusually lively day" and underscored the frontier bois-terousness and rawness of a town whose chief business was catering to the needs of freighters, teamsters, cattlemen, miners, and the entre­preneurs who hired them. The founders of Corinne meant to plant a Christian landmark in its midst; to set up a bright and shining light that should throw its pure rays far and wide to scatter the darkness in which the "twin relic of bar­barism" had shrouded the land. For this purpose churches and grog-shops were to act in harmony. Therefore there had been opened three of the former and twenty of the latter. The churches are supported by home missionary societies; the grog-shops are maintained by the voluntary system.17 The Reverend L. B. Stateler, a minister of the Methodist persua­sion and just arrived from the East, described the scene he observed: 68 Corinne Heavy, slow-going freight wagons, coupled together and drawn by oxen or mules, and rapidly moving stagecoaches jostled against each other, while the crack of whips and the sound of the ox-driver's voice as he made emphatic and free use of the vernacular peculiar to plainsmen in talking to his animals, together with the numerous crowded saloons and business houses all wide open on Sunday the same as other days, gave things truly a Western air. The well-traveled Baron de Hiibner also paid tribute to the fron­tier spirit of the town: The streets of Corinne are full of white men armed to the teeth, miserable-looking Indians dressed in the ragged shirts and trousers furnished by the Central Government, and yellow Chi­nese with a business-like air and hard intelligent faces. No town in the Far West gave me so good an idea as this little place of what is meant by border-life; i.e., the struggle between civiliza­tion and savage men and things.19 Finally, the cosmopolitan Bayard Taylor, crossing the continent by way of the new railroad, wrote to his New York Tribune that as he surveyed the row of drinking saloons along the track and the rough The Central Hotel, ca. 1875, at the corner of Sixth and Montana streets. Utah State Historical Society collections. Gentile Capital 69 miners from Montana and Idaho lounging about the station, he fully expected that during the ten-minute stop he would "hear the pop of the cheerful pistol and see the gleam of the smiling bowie knife." He seemed somewhat disappointed that nothing happened.20 The town marshal might have suggested that Taylor stay more than ten minutes to see the long-term effects of the outpourings of the sixty-eight saloons that C. C. Clawson noted as he passed through Corinne in late 1869.21 Hotel accommodations or the lack of them in Corinne occupied much of the space each writer gave to his or her descriptions of the town. Baron de Hiibner was the most vociferous in his denunciation of the "Hotel of the Metropolis, a wretched plank hut" that offered him a room six feet square with partitions so thin that he was sere­naded by a guitar-playing Mexican couple on one side and poisoned by the "foetid exhalations" of a Chinese merchant on the other. In a more jocular vein, a veteran of the Montana scene wrote a friend, "Ah yes - one little item I forgot to mention - Bed Bugs - Town full of them - stay here - Metropolitan Hotel full of them - every body got lots of them and some to spare - I got some - stop when you come through and get some - Dont cost a cent." 22 Martha Plass-man thought the only hotel in town was a wretched shack and that the food was execrable. Four years later John Codman could write of the shanty that its proprietor had misnamed the Bear River Hotel, but he was still in better circumstances than the Reverend Stateler who could not afford the high prices for a hotel room and was forced to pitch a tent which a sand storm almost blew into Bear River.23 Other travelers were not so critical, the Earl of Dunraven praising the comfortable little inn at Corinne and the Pacific Tourist noting that the Central Hotel was a brick structure.24 Resident Population Differences of opinion about hotel accommodations, lack of vege­tation, or the raw appearance of Corinne all faded into insignificance when visitors to the town on Bear River began to record their impres­sions of the antipathy of the Gentile citizens toward their Mormon neighbors of Utah Territory. The Right Reverend Daniel S. Tuttle reminisced later that most observers were of the opinion that Corinne would soon absorb all of the Gentile population and business of Utah.2' Baron de Hiibner was more explicit: 70 Corinne And here we are at Corinne, the sworn enemy of the New Jerusalem. From Rome to Carthage in three hours! All the Utah Territory belongs to the Saints. Corinne alone, this thorn in the flesh of Mormonism, has dared to hold its own, in spite of Brigham Young, and to act as a city of refuge to those apostates from the faith of the Prophet who have been fortunate enough to escape the avenging sword of the Danites.26 John Codman wrote that both saints and sinners were attempting to advance the fortunes of Corinne - not Latter-day Saints but all other varieties who looked upon Mormonism "as the abomination of desola­tion, anti-Christ, the scarlet woman, and the beast of the Apoca­lypse." 2r An editorial writer for the Danbury, Connecticut, News thought that Corinne was a purely Gentile town, avoided by Mormons who had had nothing to do with building the unregenerate place. Seven years after the founding of the town, the Pacific Tourist was still continuing the theme that Corinne, as the largest Gentile town in Utah, was cordially hated and ignored by most Mormons who made it an object of malice and slander. But perhaps an early evaluation by Bayard Taylor of the New York Tribune best expressed at least one motive for Corinne's opposition to Mormondom. Taylor opined that the town had become the headquarters for all Gentile opposition to Brigham Young and his followers and that out of their expected con­frontation with the federal government Corinnethians would benefit from improved prices for their speculations in real estate.23 Combin­ing this hope of financial gain with an ingrained abhorrence for the practice of polygamy and with a strong opposition to Mormon theo­cratic control of territorial government, the people of Corinne had sufficient incentive to mount a full-scale attack on the stronghold of the Utah Saints with every expectation that eastern interests would sup­port the Gentile strategy planned by the residents of the Burg on the Bear. One of the first points of dispute between Corinne and its Mor­mon rival, Brigham City, county seat for Box Elder County, was the simple matter of an accurate census. The official 1870 count showed that Corinne had 806 permanent residents, with 699 white inhabitants, 89 of Chinese descent, and 18 black citizens. The sudden appearance of Corinne made that town the second in size in the county to Brigham City which had a population of 1,315.29 A year later the Corinnethians Gentile Capital 71 were claiming a permanent citizenry of 3,000, and by 1872 the Re­porter boasted that the figure had doubled in one year to a ridiculous 6,000. As the Brownsville Advertizer of Nebraska explained, Corinne presented such a lively appearance that it was difficult to enumerate its actual population.30 Certainly to the biased editor of the newspaper or even to casual strangers, given streets crowded with freight wagons, teamsters, stagecoaches, and pilgrims headed for Montana, it would be possible to succumb to the delusion that the whole world was descend­ing on Corinne. A controversy with Brigham City developed when the county officials appointed Col. Chester Loveland, a prominent Mormon leader of that town, to take the census of the various voting districts in Box Elder County.31 When Loveland reported 863 residents for Corinne, the Reporter editor exploded, "If this be not a clumsy Mor­mon trick, then we are most mistaken." He pointed out that the official census of 1870 had given the town a population of 873 which had now been neatly reduced by 10 after two years of growth. He challenged the accuracy of the count by the "Church of J. Smith & Co." and claimed that an official census would show 2,300 inhabitants. The editor called for a new canvass to obliterate the slander perpe­trated on Corinne's progress. Following the bombastic lead of the Reporter, the town fathers hired W. D. Damon to count the citizens. His tabulations showed a population of 1,004, with 645 males, 359 females, and 413 voters, totals that evidently silenced the editor who meekly reported the figures with no comment.32 From the high tabulation of 1,004 residents in 1873, the popula­tion of Corinne declined to 783 in 187433 and then fell gradually until late 1877 when the projection of the Utah and Northern Railroad to Montana brought a precipitate exodus from the town that resulted in a report of only 277 inhabitants in 1880. Whereas the town had made up about 17 percent of the Box Elder County population in 1870, a decade later Corinne comprised only 4 percent of the total. Brigham City had risen to a population of 2,184 by that time. Later census figures showed the population of Corinne to be 215 in 1890, and 323 in 1900 when the construction of an irrigation system tied to Bear River brought a gradual increase. By 1960, with the develop­ment of agriculture in the surrounding area, the population had grown to 510 but decreased again to 471 by 1970.34 During its heyday in the 72 Corinne 1870s, however, Corinne's bloc of Gentile voters posed a real threat to Mormon control of Box Elder County while the town's supporters from outside Utah aided in attempts to overthrow the power of Brig­ham Young in the entire territory. A Governor and Annexation to Idaho With President Ulysses S. Grant sympathetic to their anti-Mor­mon cause, Corinne's leaders called a mass meeting in April 1869 to elect O. J. Hollister chairman of a committee to draft a resolution petitioning the president to appoint Gen. Patrick E. Connor as gov­ernor of Utah, claiming that Gentile lives and property in Utah were imperiled.3"' When Connor, for a long time the unofficial leader of the Utah Gentiles and supporter of mining developments in the area, with­drew his name from consideration, the citizens prevailed upon the town's founder, J. A. Williamson, to stand for governor. As a brevet major general during the Civil War, a loyal supporter of Grant, and an Iowa delegate to the Chicago Republican Convention of 1862, Williamson seemed to boast impeccable credentials. Corinne residents were confident "that the end of toadyism in Utah is close at hand." The Reporter was sure that Williamson was the proper choice to ensure protection and justice to the non-Mormon citizens of the terri­tory as they began their struggle with the Saints.36 Grant did not respond to the suggestion, but he did appoint O. J. Hollister collector of internal revenue for Utah, replacing a leading Mormon, Robert T. Burton.37 Unsuccessful in getting a Gentile chief executive, the people of Corinne next supported a congressional plan to dismember Utah Ter­ritory by adding sections of it to adjoining states and territories. Rep. James M. Ashley of Ohio hoped thereby to cut off the least populated areas of Utah and to reduce the remaining part to such "pigmy pro­portions" as to preclude statehood for the Salt Lake region. The Mor­mon Salt Lake Telegraph ridiculed the whole project as "about the thing for Rum Hole Organs to grind discordantly and dismally over. . . ." •1X But the organ referred to, the Utah Reporter, was exu­berant and excitedly backed a plan to add the northern one degree of Utah Territory to adjoining Idaho Territory. This would wrest all the area north of an east-west line eight miles above Salt Lake City from Gentile Capital 73 control of the Saints' hierarchy. At a grand rally held on January 6, 1870, the assembled citizens of Corinne listened while Judge Dennis J. Toohy addressed the meeting in the most elaborate terms, taking in everything from the exploring of the "Great Basin" . . . to the brilliant future awaiting us . . . [and lambasting the] reign of terror . . . that has blighted one of the most favored spots of God's Green earth. Call it by what name you wish, Polygamy, Bigamy, Brighamy, or even religion. The participants then formally adopted a set of resolutions favoring the annexation to Idaho of all the area of Utah north of the forty-first degree of latitude and directed that the memorial be dispatched at once to Congress. There was such a run on requests for copies of the Reporter that the editor had to apologize for not having enough paper to print the glorious news for his eager readers.39 Apostate Mormons and Gentiles from the adjoining towns heart­ily supported the annexation move but expressed some fears that Mor­mon leaders would adopt strong action against them if any overt measures were undertaken. A Logan resident wrote the Reporter that he and his fellow Gentiles in Cache Valley favored the move because they could not afford to pay tithing any longer. The writer claimed that the Mormon church had dispatched many of the best men on missions and that when he did get a rare copy of the Utah Reporter, he and a few of his friends burned it after reading for fear that their bishop or the ward teachers would discover their sin and subject them to further harassment and possible expropriation of their property. A correspondent from Ogden agreed that he would be better off living under Idaho law and that all the polygamists would then leave for Salt Lake City. According to him, one supporter of the annexation had been handled rather roughly for being too eloquent in favor of the proposed change. The Ogdenite then added, "it's most too soon to come out so strong against Brigham yet." Another Gentile friend from Brigham City wrote that it was not wise for people in the smaller settlements to come out in favor of the change because their property would be placed in jeopardy if they did. Finally, an apostate from Salt Lake City explained that while Brigham's fanatics had regularly been sent south to fight the Indians, the more intelligent Mormons had gone north to Weber, Bear Lake, Ogden, Cache, and Malad valleys 74 Corinne and their property would be in immediate danger. He, therefore, advised moving with some caution. The writer did think that the annexation would punish Salt Lake City economically.40 A firm Mormon-hater, Robert N. Baskin, testifying in Washington, D.C., before a congressional committee, pointed out another difficulty: It would be a mistake to break up the natural community the Great Basin formed by its geographic boundaries.41 In announcing a second mass meeting to support annexation to Idaho, the Reporter touted the dismemberment of Utah as a less costly and more effective way of destroying Mormon control than such legislation as the Cullom bill, a measure that was arousing a lot of controversy in Congress. The editor thought that immigration to the valleys of northern Utah was being inhibited and that they would remain a wilderness unless Brigham Young's autocracy was destroyed.42 The Idaho Statesman, of course, approved the move and agreed that the Mormons living in the area under consideration were of anti-polygamous inclinations and would welcome the more civilized ap­proach of Idaho's enlightened administration.43 Idaho's aspirations to gain more territory and, incidentally, con­trol of almost three hundred miles of the Pacific railroad came under unexpected attack when Sen. William M. Stewart of Nevada proposed a bill that would add the area south of the Snake River as well as a portion of Utah to his state. The boundary separating Idaho from Utah and Nevada had been in dispute for some time, and apparently Stewart seized the excuse to enlarge the Silver State.44 The Utah Reporter was enraged and editorialized against the "yelping curs" who were trying to follow its lead by dismembering not only Utah but also Idaho. The newspaper charged that there was no reason for Stewart's move "unless Nevada wishes to secure a water front on Snake river, or requires a larger amount of the aquious [sic] fluid to water mining stock." *n The Idaho Statesman was, if possible, even more aroused. It supported a strong remonstrance in Boise County opposing the Stewart land-grab, tried to explain the apparent con­tradiction in wanting to add Utah territory to Idaho but opposed any loss of Idaho area to Nevada, and argued vociferously that no settle­ment of the Mormon problem was possible without destroying Utah as a territory. In a long editorial, the Statesman also explained why it was a mistake to fragment the Bear River Valley by an artificial line dividing it between Utah and Idaho.40 Gentile Capital 75 While the Gentiles of northern Utah and those of Idaho fought the good fight against the alleged abhorrent practices and political control of Mormondom, the Saints rallied to the defense, pointing out that the passage of the Ashley bill would not affect the authority of their church.47 Farmington and Kaysville residents held their own mass meetings and dispatched memorials to Congress. The Farming-ton people were especially emphatic in expressing fears that they would be saddled with the debts of Idaho Territory, and they were particu­larly incensed about the prospect of being moved like medieval serfs from a lord of their own choice to a nearby barbarous lord.48 The Ogden Junction also attacked the petitions from Corinne, "a small and obscure railway town northward," to which the Reporter editor replied in kind, disdaining the abuse and impertinence from Ogden to assail "the crimes which have made Utah a stench in the nostrils of the nation." In a final mixture of venom and frothy anger, the Corinne journalist fulminated that the noisy advocates of Mormonism in Utah "may rant of patriotism and howl in religious frenzy till the jaws of Lucifer are moist with the tears of pity, . . . " but they could no longer deceive the government.49 By April 1870 the Reporter believed that the Supreme Court would eventually have to decide whether or not Congress could legis­late polygamy and theocratic control out of existence either through the Cullom bill or some other law. The editor was quite certain that the government should cut off sections of Utah, leaving only enough room for a "Mormon reservation," a proposal the Idaho Statesman approved. The Boise paper looked forward to having the little city of Corinne within the borders of Idaho.50 The Deseret News, for once, agreed with its northern neighbor and hoped that a divorce could be arranged between Gentile Corinne and Mormon Utah.51 After a year of work with no prospect of success in sight, the people of Corinne sought to support Idaho efforts to annex the sixty-mile- wide strip of Utah Territory. To that end, they held a mass meet­ing in late December 1870 to petition Congress so that their city could become part of a Gentile territory. The adoption of this memorial evidently ended active attempts to change the boundary between Utah and Idaho, perhaps because many observers agreed with the Missoula Pioneer that a large Gentile representation in the Utah legislature, the influx of a large Gentile population into the territory, and the eventual 76 Corinne designation of Corinne as the capital of Utah would solve the "dis­gusting Mormon question." 52 Capital of Utah The proposal to move the capital of Utah Territory from Salt Lake City to Corinne originated in Washington, D.C., where several congressmen, in February 1870, suggested the change if Corinnethians wanted it to gain more political and legal control over affairs in Utah. The eager citizens of Corinne responded with a petition to Congress signed by eighty-six residents and "with thousands to follow" favoring the move."'3 Eastern journals editorialized on the proposal. The New York World expressed some exasperation over one argument advanced Corinne, looking toward rival Brigham City. Andrew J. Russell photograph, courtesy of the Oakland Museum. Gentile Capital 77 in favor of it: "Out of pure regard for the morals of our unsophisti­cated army officers, Congress proposes removing the capital of Utah from Salt Lake City to Corinne, which, containing but few Mormons, is deemed a fitter place to put the military corps in." r'4 But the Reporter editor rejoiced in the attention focused on his town and cited the reasons why Corinne was the logical place for the territorial center of government as well as the county seat of Box Elder County: As in war, it was essential to have a secure base of operations to proceed against the Mormon theocracy; in Salt Lake City federal officers were so secluded that they became virtual exiles "compelled to serve out their weary mission in Zion"; and, lastly, if Congress decided to reform rather than divide Utah Territory, Corinne would support the new program. As part of the strong anti-Mormon Cullom bill, then before Congress, one newspaper thought that the proposed change would make Corinne the point of battle between the Mormons and Gentiles in legislative matters, to which the Reporter replied that the seat of war would more likely "be nearer the Tabernacle." 5:" Eastern journals like the Chicago Post and the New York Tribune generally favored removing the administration of territorial affairs from Salt Lake City to Corinne as a means of placing federal patron­age in non-Mormon hands and thus reducing the corruption thought to be so prevalent in Utah. The Reporter was positive that the move would help destroy priestcraft in Utah.50 In an attempt to gain the support of the current government officers, Dennis J. Toohy wrote Acting Gov. George A. Black in December 1870 inviting him to attend a mass meeting in Corinne where another petition to Congress would be prepared.07 There is no indication that Black accepted the kind offer. The Utah Saints took seriously the congressional threat to move the capital to Corinne. Some, like William Clayton, became quite emotional about the issue: "This country, the mountains, valleys, streams, lakes, land, water, buildings, farms, fences, etc. has all been dedicated to our Father in Heaven. They are His and he will hold our enemies in check." ,s But most ridiculed the suggestion while, never­theless, advancing strong arguments for retaining the capital at Salt Lake City. The Salt Lake Herald noted that a Corinne newspaper "which very few people outside of Washington, D.C., ever heard of" had been selected as the journal to publish the acts of Congress in Utah Territory and concluded that they might as well be published in 78 Corinne Alaska.59 One by one the Herald discounted the reasons advanced for the proposed removal of the capital to Corinne: that there were prac­tically no Gentiles at all residing in Salt Lake City; that the lives of federal officials were not safe in the City of the Saints; that Corinne was a Gentile town where such officials would find a "fit society, which, to those who know Corinne, bespeaks a worse opinion of the Government officials than we have entertained of any of them, except­ing, probably, one or two." And, in conclusion, the Herald asserted that the entire affair was tied to a real estate speculation of the worst character.00 The Corinne Reporter was quick in defense, choosing to attack the Herald's argument that removing the seat of government from the "cesspool of Mormonism" would be in conflict with the idea of true republicanism. The Reporter charged, in rebuttal, that Mormon officials had stolen most of the federal property by diverting it to their chosen capital at Fillmore where it was being used for religious pur­poses in a real "satire on the immorality of Gomorrah." Dispensing with the insignificant comments of the Mormon journal, the Reporter announced that the citizens of Corinne were sending Dr. O. D. Cass, president of the local bank, to Washington, D.C., to present the largest petition ever sent from the territory asking that Congress forth­with move the capital to the Gentile town where fundamental rights could be preserved.01 The newspaper debate between the Salt Lake Herald and the Utah Reporter over the proposed capital move was downright digni­fied in comparison to the slugfest with which the latter journal engaged its closest rival, the Ogden Junction, over the issue. Referring to Corinne as "that delectable burgh on the banks of Bear," the editor at Ogden wrote, "We believe this is the first time that we have per­mitted the name of the disreputable little hole to appear in the col­umns of the Junction." He then warned his Mormon readers to take all necessary steps to defeat the earnest attempt to stir up mischief and ended his discourse with a blast at Corinne which, he said, "has become a synonym for blackguardism and corruption . where the coarser and fouler vices of modern civilization find room to flaunt their hideous and shameless forms." "2 Responding with alacrity and equal use of frontier polemics, editor Toohy defended the proposed move of the capital to Corinne "where Gentile Capital 79 incest and debauchery are not lifted up for worship in the name of morality. . . ." Gaining fury with every line, he next attacked the "temples of Sodom and Gomorrah . . . [which] under the aegis of a licentious creed proclaims the total depravity of woman. . . ." and where " 'church and state,' united in debauchery, govern the submis­sive but too credulous member." But the sound and the wind of this particular issue soon died away as the Congress failed to pursue the objective of a new capital for Utah. Several years later, in 1875, another Corinne newspaper, the Daily Mail, tried to revive the pros­pect of Corinne as the seat of government in connection with the estab­lishment of a United States mint at the town on the Bear, but this was an ephemeral reference of only passing notice to a citizenry then engaged in a fight for survival.03 Statehood for Deseret The strength of the Gentile attack and its support in the East and at Washington, D.C., had, however, given some concern to Mormon leaders who had anticipated the outside mercantile competition by establishing their cooperative stores but had not realized how sudden and widespread would be the opposition to other aspects of Mormon-dom. A fundamental reason for the sudden general interest in Utah was, of course, the end of the Civil War and Republican party and national determination to eradicate from the American scene the remaining evil of the twin relics of barbarism - polygamy. A second, and in some ways an even more important, cause was the completion of the Pacific railroad which opened to the gaze of the American people the hidden secrets of Mormonism. In earlier days, only a few widely read travelers like Mark Twain and Richard F. Burton had braved the western wastes to write about the "harem" of Brigham Young and all the other titillating and romantic themes that had come to be associated in the public mind with the mysteries of the Mormons. After May 1869 countless visitors to the Pacific Coast or elsewhere along the railroad route would not count their trips complete without at least a nominal stop in Salt Lake City to provide subjects for many an evening's entertainment for the folks back home. Furthermore, experienced journalists, some of them part-time correspondents in Salt Lake City for prestigious eastern newspapers, found only a train ride 80 Corinne between them and exotic Utah where they could find interesting material to interrupt the tedium of readers sated with the frauds of the Grant regime, the travails of Southern Reconstruction, or the battles of the Commune of Paris. And their editors liked the increase in circula­tion figures. To eastern financiers, the opening of the Utah mines at Alta, Stockton, Ophir, Tintic, and other areas meant opportunity for min­eral exploitation in perhaps the last virgin area of the nation. Now that Brigham Young's empire had been breached, it was particularly necessary to invalidate Mormon land claims if the metals were to be mined. Pressures were exerted on congressional and administration leaders as well as on local federal officials to aid in the process. Utah's federal officers could no longer hide under cloaks of mediocrity or mendacity as they enjoyed their sinecures, for incentives were now present to draw national recognition for performance of duties that before would have received but scant notice. Breaking the Mormon stranglehold of political affairs in the territory might also allow the Republican and Democratic parties to move in and win converts among the suddenly freed and enlightened serfs of Mormondom. This was particularly true of the apostates and silent Gentiles who began to speak out openly as they struggled for financial and political advan­tage, secure in the knowledge that an awakened nation would protect them. All of the above hidden or overt motives were used to concentrate national effort on the destruction of the abhorrent practice of polyg­amy- a project on which nearly all the diverse interests could agree- with the concomitant advantage of overthrowing the Mormon theoc­racy that seemed to stand in the way of financial and political develop­ment of Utah Territory by interested Gentile entrepreneurs. The scene was, therefore, set for a series of legislative attempts by the Congress to curtail or prohibit polygamous marriages and to overturn Mormon control in Utah. Corinne, as the only important Gentile town in Utah, was looked upon as the natural funnel, small though it was, through which national energy could flow to arouse public support for the overthrow of Mormondom. Thus followed the attempts detailed earlier to place a Gentile governor in power, to add northern Utah to Idaho, and to move the capital out of the grasp of Brigham Young and his cohorts. Gentile Capital 81 Well aware of the suddenly unleashed power of the nation to subvert their theology and to gain political and financial control of their assets, the Mormon people in 1872 sought for a fourth time to achieve the statehood long denied them but now absolutely necessary for the continuance of their religious and economic way of life.04 As early as October 1869 the New York Herald, in commenting on the news that Brigham Young was expected to propose statehood for Utah, wrote that polygamy stood in the way and that the Mormon prophet should prepare to move his people to some other area of the world. Agreeing that Utah should not become a state, the Utah Reporter listed three reasons in opposition: Utah having only 80,000 citizens, it would be unfair to New York and its five million people to grant equal status to Utah; there was a backlog of two hundred un­solved murders in the territory that must first be explained; and Utah would not be an American but a Mormon state governed by the domi­nant church. The Herald finally changed its opinion about moving the Mormons out of the nation, recognizing that their financial invest­ment was too great and that Brigham Young could "much easier abandon faith than gold." The Corinnethians were involved in helping to fashion the New York paper's editorials through their own journal which was available to the Salt Lake City correspondent of the Herald. In response to one long article from its Salt Lake reporter, the New York editor advised President Grant to attack Mormondom along true republican lines and continue the fight even if it should take all summer, advising that such action would win the votes of the West in the next election.05 Another New York newspaper, the Tribune, received regular con­tributions from its Utah correspondent and a first citizen of Corinne, O. J. Hollister, whose letter of December 1871 argued against admit­ting Utah as a state as long as polygamy was retained and because statehood would "deliver them [Gentiles] bound hand and foot to their foes. . ." 00 The Utah legislature, in January 1872, brought the matter of statehood into focus by calling for a territorial election to decide whether a constitutional convention should be held. The Utah Re­porter's reaction was to deride "the burlesque of an election call . . . to a convention which is to ratify a constitution for the State of Igno­rance, soon or never, to be adopted into the Union." The New York 82 Corinne Tribune expressed the fundamental reason for Gentile opposition to statehood - that the United States courts had jurisdiction under terri­torial status but that federal jurisdiction would be lost under a state government.07 When Utah's citizens voted on February 5 to call for a conven­tion to be held two weeks later, the Gentile Liberal party called for a meeting on February 18 to discuss the question of the admission of Utah as a state but ran into immediate difficulty with the Corinne and Salt Lake factions at loggerheads about the strategy to be followed. A more detailed account of the origin and objectives of the Liberal party and Corinne's prominent role in its organization will be given later, but it is sufficient here to note that an attempt was made to heal the wounds by adopting a new name, the Utah National party. Dis­pleased by this change, the Corinne Reporter wrote, "The 'gnash-inal' party of Utah will be a thing of short life. . . Let it rot." os The Mormon Salt Lake Herald was in hearty and contumacious agree­ment : "The organ of the pie-bald, double-headed party of Toohy and Tullidge [a Salt Lake leader], oil and water, acid and alkali, bane and antidote, and any other opposites, proposes a new christening for the mottled and discordant organization. . . ." The principal and underly­ing reason for the division between the two groups was that although the Gentiles of Salt Lake City had an electoral base from which to gather support, the people of Corinne looked to the national adminis­tration and the Congress for help in resolving the Mormon question.''1 The overwhelming Mormon vote determined that a convention would be held to approve or reject a constitution for the proposed state. The Corinne Reporter led an attack on the alleged frauds perpe­trated during the voting at the polls. The Reporter's correspondent in Salt Lake City telegraphed dispatches to several newspapers in the nation charging that young women and children had voted. The elec­tion judges denied these allegations but had no power to stop the vitriolic Toohy's dissertations on the later convention proceedings by the "ignorant fanatics . . . the most illiterate and boorish set of beings in Christendom," who represented "the swinish theology of the Latter- Days." The editor agreed with one of his subscribers that the theoc­racy of the Mormons would eventually pass away but wanted that event to transpire before statehood was granted.70 Gentile Capital 83 Then, in an amazing but only transitory repentance, Toohy announced on March 4 that the convention had done a creditable job and Congress would ensure that polygamy would be eliminated. His only reservation concerned adoption of a secret ballot and the dis­qualification of women voters. But the conversion was short-lived as he began to censure the mass meetings held by the Mormon citizens in preparation for the election scheduled for March 18 to accept or reject the constitution adopted by the convention. A typically caustic comment was his reference to the Box Elder County meeting as "a filthy gathering of the rustic masses, or asses, of the foot-hills." 71 The Corinne editor's verbal assaults were his only consolation, as the electorate voted 25,324 to 368 in favor of the constitution. There would have been a much larger turnout of Gentile parti­sans, but the Liberals chose to boycott the election and to alert the national government by petitions and memorials in opposition to the admission of Utah. While the Deseret News thought its opponents were trying to keep the area out of the Union and in "territorial serf­dom" because of their greed and ambition,72 the National party sent a committee of three men, composed of J. Robinson Walker, Henry W. Lawrence, and Robert N. Baskin, to Washington to counter the efforts of the elected delegates who were presenting the new constitu­tion. The New York Tribune supported the committee's efforts and editorialized that the "hierarchy of morbid fanatics" would, with statehood, drive out every Gentile and that if the "pernicious fruits of Mormonism are to be destroyed" it must be done under territorial influence.7' Corinne did its part by dispatching a memorial to Con­gress signed by eighty residents and by several other non-Mormons from Tooele and elsewhere.74 In urging the citizens to sign, the Re­porter wrote, "We should have the flag of the free float over us instead of the black ensign of the Endowment. . . ." 7"' Familiar reasons for the retention of territorial status instead of statehood were included in the memorial: insufficiency of population, the control by a political theocracy, and the supposed Mormon doctrine that the priesthood would eventually replace democratic government. The Corinnethians need not have worried about losing their favored position under terri­torial government because the Congress refused, once again, to heed the plea of the Mormon people for Utah statehood. 84 Corinne Lobbying for a Canal All of the attempts to advance the interests of Corinne and to deny political supremacy to the Great Basin Saints did not depend solely upon eastern newspaper support and independent action by the Congress. The people of Corinne, understanding quite well the legis­lative process in the nation's capital, decided very early to send a dele­gation of prominent citizens to Washington to represent their interests. The lobby consisted of O. J. Hollister, Dr. O. D. Cass, Gen. J. A. Wil­liamson, Gen. Patrick E. Connor, John Hanson Beadle, and, later, Adam Aulbach, publisher of the Utah Reporter. Hollister led the way, leaving for the East in November 1869, while the others soon followed, spending various periods of time in the capital and mostly paying their own expenses.7" Of course, there were hopes that individual interests might be advanced, also, as each lobbyist waited in the halls of Con­gress to get the attention of important representatives and senators. The chief objective of the Corinnethian lobby was to get a canal company organized and some federal lands assigned to the project that would bring water to their thirsty acres from the Bear River at the point where the stream left Cache Valley and entered Salt Lake Valley. The hostile Salt Lake Telegraph explained in July 1869, Corinne is getting desperate . . . . The dust is bad, and the water is worse and it takes a frightful amount of whiskey to enable that town to worry through between trains. By making a ditch or canal of some twenty odd miles in length, it is said that good water could be had, when Corinne would become a good place for a town.77 During the winter of 1869-70 the Utah Reporter and the town leaders mounted a campaign to advertise the possibilities of bringing irrigation water to the lower Bear River Valley and to interest prospec­tive immigrants in productive farms that could be developed in the area around the town. A Union Colony Committee from the state of New York announced that, in addition to looking at prospective loca­tions for members in Kansas and Colorado, it would also examine lower Bear River Valley as a result of the efforts of Dr. Cass and others in furnishing maps and information to the New Yorkers. The Reporter agreed that colonies should settle in groups of from two to five hun­dred, for if they came to Mormon Utah "in little squads . . they Gentile Capital 85 could have no peace or protection." The Reporter also called for the organization of an immigration society to boost the tremendous poten­tial of the almost one million acres of land the editor thought could produce up to one hundred bushels of wheat per acre and could thus become "an agricultural paradise." A week later the editor had reduced the expected production of wheat to sixty or seventy bushels per acre but had not curtailed in the least his magnificent hyperbole.78 The Corinne, Bear River, and Salt Lake Canal Company had been organized in the late fall of 1869 under the leadership of J. A. Williamson and seven other prominent citizens of Corinne. A survey had been completed, and the cost to build the project was estimated to be $75,000. All that remained to be done was to obtain an act of incorporation and a grant of land from Congress to get the work going. A bill was introduced into the House of Representatives in late April 1870 asking for one hundred sections of land in the amount of four sections per mile on each side of the canal. The Reporter ex­pressed its thanks to Williamson for the initial success at Washington. The general had been helped by certain members of Congress, includ­ing Sen. Lyman Trumbull of Illinois, who the year before had visited Corinne and discussed the agricultural possibilities of the area. Also, some of the eastern newspapers had helped to boost the prospects of legislation by writing about irrigation in the Corinne region of Bear River Valley. The Chicago Tribune, for example, noted, "It is the only spot on the road [Pacific railroad], from Fremont to Sacramento, that a bird would care to light on. . . ." 7n After the canal proposal was introduced, J. H. Beadle, the editor-in- chief of the Reporter who was sent to Washington by the citizens of Corinne, bore the brunt of the lobbying efforts to have the bill enacted into law. Leaving for the capital on May 13, 1870, he spent two and a half months working unsuccessfully with one Congress and then went back again in December 1870 and January 1871 to achieve only further frustration. During the second Congress he discovered that the Republican party was in a much weaker position and that excessive land grants had caused the loss of much of its support."" In his pre­pared statement before the Senate Committee on Public Lands he, nevertheless, emphasized a number of projected benefits: Almost two hundred fifty thousand acres of land could be brought under cultiva­tion, the canal would extend for a distance of from twenty-five to 86 Corinne twenty-seven miles, sixteen homesteads on each side of the requested one hundred sections of land would provide homes for nearly two thousand families of the workers who would build the canal, another five thousand homesteads would be provided on what was then only a dusty plain, and the Gentiles of Utah had now concentrated in the Corinne region "where is the only chance left by God and nature to plant a loyal American population . . and bring Christianity into peaceful contact with the barbarians of Utah." He added that there was some prospect that the Josephite branch of the Mormon church might be induced to settle in Bear River Valley and concluded that this was the first Gentile request from Utah to the Congress and cer­tainly a small favor to ask. The Senate amended the proposal by sug­gesting that the Central Pacific Railroad donate fifty of the hundred sections of land which sent the leaders of Corinne scurrying to plead with the railroad for this small favor.sl As Congress argued and Beadle languished in despair, news came to Corinne that the Mormon apostles, afraid that the Gentile town would be successful in getting the canal legislation enacted, were attempting to defeat the measure by petitioning Congress for similar grants of land elsewhere in Utah, thus eventually driving out all Gen­tile farmers/2 To counter this threat, Corinnethians dispatched a memorial to Congress, signed by nineteen leading citizens, explaining the details of their proposed irrigation project and then making a strong plea for aid against the machinations of the Mormon priesthood that had excluded "every American from the soil who would not bow to the Mormon prophet and adopt their Asiatic customs." The memo­rial listed sixteen acts of the Utah legislature granting most of the available water supplies in the territory to the leaders of the Saints. The petitioners further explained that no Gentile citizen had been allowed to acquire or homestead any of this well-watered property and that none would unless the Congress would help the people of Corinne to settle a population in Utah whose influence would fianlly solve the Mormon problem. In fact, said the memorial, "This city, the only Gentile foot-hold in Utah, is an eye-sore to the Mormon leaders, and every possible effort is being made by them to crush it out." S3 The petition went unheeded, Beadle retired from the fray, and as Corinne looked forward to the next congressional session of late 1871, the Reporter editorialized, "Don't Give Up the Ship" and urged Gentile Capital 87 a third try for a grant of lands for a canal. Throughout the year, editor Toohy pursued his optimistic course, describing the eastern capitalists who were examining the agricultural possibilities of Bear River Valley if only water could be brought to the parched earth. He exhorted his fellow citizens to organize a colonization society. And finally, he glee­fully announced in December that Adam Aulbach, formerly of Corinne but now living in Washington, D.C., had reported a new bill introduced into the Senate providing for the irrigation of Bear River Valley. Two days later, the editor stated that another bill seeking the same purpose had been started through the Senate, but the new one was the same old omnibus bill Mormon Delegate William Hooper had tried earlier. Toohy reluctantly agreed that if this general law could be passed it would be well "so that Mormon and Gentile alike may be watered." M As the Congressional Globe routinely reported the progress, or lack of it, of the various House and Senate bills being referred, recom­mended, read a first and second time, amended,"5 and on and on, the people of Corinne seemed to lose any hope of action and began to talk of bringing water from the smaller and nearer Malad River through the application of a free enterprise project. Cyrus Thomas of the Hayden expedition had already observed that the Malad, although narrow, carried a large enough volume of water to irrigate all the valley down to the gate through which the Bear River emerged.80 By May 1871, therefore, the Reporter was writing of a ditch large enough to carry four feet of water from the Malad, the financing to be arranged by fifty Corinne businessmen buying stock in the proposed irrigation company."7 It was expected that the Central Pacific Rail­road Company would donate up to one-half of its lands along the canal route to aid in the project. When both the Central Pacific and Union Pacific railroads claimed the land, however, the Reporter, in some discouragement, acknowledged that the plan would have to be postponed.ss At the end of 1871 the people of the town were left with only faint hopes of a much smaller irrigation project to be built, con­necting their own fields and gardens with the rather alkaline and aptly named Malad River. The lack of life-sustaining water for their crops and the develop­ment of their valley had not been the only disappointment faced by the Gentile town on Bear River. As they had examined their prospects 88 Corinne during the first five years of existence for Corinne, the residents had seen a rose-colored future, especially as described by the blowing of the local news sheet. The Mormon and outside press had observed a much more frontierlike and less appealing settlement whose barren landscape and treeless and dusty streets were in marked contrast to the neat and green Mormon villages nearby. Furthermore, frustration had met the attempts to enhance Gentile prospects while seeking to destroy or at least to lessen the power and prestige of Mormon theocracy. Wash­ington officials had demonstrated sympathy with movements to ap­point a Corinnethian as governor, to annex northern Utah to Idaho, to move the territorial capital to Corinne, and to oppose statehood. But only in the latter objective had Corinne found many allies outside Utah. In Washington, the town's lobby had worked energetically, to no avail, to provide the means for bringing a large Gentile population as a leavening influence into the Bear River Valley of northern Utah. The delegation in the nation's capital did have some success in sup­porting congressional efforts to eradicate Mormon polygamy and theocracy, and that, at least, brought comfort and satisfaction to loyal Corinnethians. Gentile Capital 89 NOTES FOR CHAPTER 3 4 Utah Reporter, 3 March, 29 September 1870; 13 January 1871. 2 Utah Reporter, 24 May, 7 April, 4 June 1870; 10 June 1871. 3 Utah Reporter, 7 April, 4 June 1870 * Utah Reporter, 8 August 1870; 15 July, 18 October, 24 November 1871; 29 February, 22 August 1872. 5 Corinne Reporter, 24 February 1871; New York World, 30 April 1871. " Corinne Reporter, 19 April, 22 July, 6 September 1871; 29 March, 20 May, 23 August 1872. 7 Corinne Reporter, 29 July 1871; Utah Reporter, 21 April 1870. s Corinne Reporter, 2 January, 13 March 1872. 9 Council Chamber Corinne City Minute Book, 6 February 1871, Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City. This source misspells the mapmaker's name. 10 Corinne Reporter, 27 December 1871. 11 Salt Lake Tribune, 30 May, 3 June 1871. 12 New York Tribune, 23 June 1870; George A. Crofutt, Crofutt's Trans­continental Tourist's Guide . . . (New York, 1871), p. 109. 13 Ogden Junction, 24 May 1871; Salt Lake Herald, 24 May 1871; George A. Crofutt, International Tourist Guide .. . (New York, 1874), p. 113. 14 Ogden Junction, 24 May 1871. 15 M. LeBaron de Hiibner, A Ramble Round the World, 1871 (New York, 1875), p. 121; Salt Lake Herald, 11 July 1873. 1(5 C. C. Clawson Diary, 1870, quoted in Barzilla W. Clark, Bonneville County in the Making (Idaho Falls: Author, 1941), p. 79; de Hiibner, A Ramble, p. 120; E. J. Stanley, Life of Rev. L. B. Stateler (Nashville: Smith & Lamar, 1907), p. 217; Corinne Reporter, 15 November 1871; Ogden Junction, 24 May 1871. 17 John Codman, The Mormon Country . . . (New York, 1874), pp. 79, 80. 18 Stanley, Life of Rev. L. B. Stateler, p. 217. 19 de Hiibner, A Ramble, p. 120. 20 New York Tribune, 23 June 1870. 21 Clawson Diary, p. 79. 22 de Hiibner, A Ramble, pp. 118-20; A. B. Knight to Old Boy, 3 July 1873, Charles Bovey Collection, Virginia City, Montana. 23 Martha E. Plassman, "Incidents of Stage Travel . . ," quoted in Opheim Observer, 8 February 1923, clipping file, Montana State Historical Society, Helena; Codman, The Mormon Country, p. 79; Stanley, Life of Rev. L. B. Stateler, p. 218. 24 Earl of Dunraven, The Great Divide: Travels in the Upper Yellowstone in the Summer of 1874 (1876; reprint ed., Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1967), p. 36; Henry T. Williams, The Pacific Tourist . . . (New York, 1876), p. 163. 20 Daniel S. Tuttle, Reminiscences of a Missionary Bishop (New York: Thomas Whittaker, 1906), p. 106. 20 de Hiibner, A Ramble, p. 118. -' Codman, The Mormon Country, p. 79. 28 Salt Lake Herald, 11 July 1873; Williams, The Pacific Tourist, p. 162; New York Tribune, 23 June 1870. 29 U.S., Ninth Census of United States, 1870: Aggregate Population (Wash­ington, D.C., 1872), pp. 8-18. so Corinne Reporter, 27 May, 15 November 1871; 2 January 1872. " Box Elder County Court Records, 8 March 1872, 248, Utah State Archives. 90 Corinne 32 Corinne Reporter, 22, 28 March; 2 April 1872. 33 Johnson's New Universal Cyclopaedia (New York and San Francisco, 1874), p. 1155. 34 U.S., Tenth Census of United States, 1880: Compendium (Washington, D.C., 1883), p. 309; U.S., Compendium of the Eleventh Census of United States, 1890: Population (Washington, D.C., 1892), p. 402; U.S., Twelfth Census of United States, 1900: Report (Washington, D.C., 1901), 1:447; U.S., Census of Population of United States, 1970 (Washington, D.C., 1973), vol. 1, part 46, p. 15. 3= Salt Lake Telegraph, 21 April 1869; Montana Post, 23 April 1869. 39 Utah Reporter, 11,13 November 1869. 37 Salt Lake Telegraph, 21 April 1869. 38 Andrew Love Neff, History of Utah, 1847 to 1869 (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1940), p. 719; Salt Lake Telegraph, 15 January 1869. 39 Utah Reporter, 16 December 1869; 6, 11, 15 January 1870. 49 Ibid. 41 U.S., Congress, House, Execution of the Laws in Utah, p. 14, House Report no. 21, parts 1-3, Serial no. 1436, 41st Cong., 2d sess., 1870. 42 Utah Reporter, 15, 18 January 1870. 43 Idaho Statesman, 18 January 1870. 44 Idaho Statesman, 21 August, 29 January 1870; U.S., Congress, Senate, Con­gressional Globe, part 1, p. 65, 41st Cong., 3d sess., 1870-71. 43 Utah Reporter, 3, 5 February 1870. 40 Idaho Statesman, 15, 27, 29 January; 5 February 1870. 47 Salt Lake Telegraph, 4 February 1869. 48 Deseret News, 9, 16 February 1870. 49 Utah Reporter, 10 February 1870. 59 Utah Reporter, 26 April, 22 June 1870. 01 Deseret News, 11 January 1870. 32 Utah Reporter, 13, 27 December 1870; 12 January 1871. 53 Utah Reporter, 22, 24 February 1870. "Grace Winkleman, from New York World, 1870, WPA file, Utah State His­torical Society, Salt Lake City. 55 Utah Reporter, 5, 8 March 1870. 59 Utah Reporter, 22 December 1870. 07 Dennis J. Toohy to Acting Gov. George A. Black, 26 December 1870, Utah Territorial Papers, no. 3465, Utah State Archives. 58 William Clayton to William W. Cluff, 19 December 1870, in William Clay­ton Letter Books, vol. 4, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. 39 Andrew Jenson, Corinne Ward Manuscript History to 1930, Archives Divi­sion, Historical Department, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City. u0 Salt Lake Herald, 23 December 1870. C1 Utah Reporter, 27 December 1870; 12 January 1871. "- Ogden Junction, 14 January 1871. 93 Utah Reporter, 19 January 1871; Corinne Daily Mail, 19 June 1875. 04 Other attempts to attain statehood had been made in 1849, 1856, and 1862. 05New York Herald, 13 October 1869; 26 June; 14, 15 December 1871; Utah Reporter, 2 November 1870. 00 New York Tribune, 30 January 1872. 07 Corinne Reporter, 2 February 1872; New York Tribune, 12 February 1872. cs Ronald C. jack, "Utah Territorial Politics: 1847-1876" (Ph.D. diss., Uni­versity of Utah, 1970), pp. 252-54; Corinne Reporter, 21 February 1872. o» Salt Lake Herald, 10 February 1872; Jack, "Utah Territorial Politics," p. 258. Gentile Capital 91 79 Jack, "Utah Territorial Politics," pp. 265-66; Corinne Reporter, 23, 24 Feb­ruary 1872. 74 Corinne Reporter, 4 March 1872; Box Elder County Court Records, 8 March 1872, 248, Utah State Archives; Corinne Reporter, 18 March 1872. 72 Jack, "Utah Territorial Politics," p. 272; Deseret News, 20 March 1872. 73 New York Tribune, 18, 30 April 1872. 74 U.S., Congress, House, Memorial of Citizens of Utah against the Admission of Utah as a State, 6 May 1872, pp. 37-40, House Misc. Doc. no. 208, Serial no. 1527, 42dCong., 2d sess., 1872. 73 Corinne Reporter, 3 April 1872. 79 Utah Reporter, 30 November 1869. 77 Salt Lake Telegraph, 23 July 1869. 78 Utah Reporter, 19 February, 31 March, 5 April, 28 May 1870. 79 Utah Reporter, 19, 28 April; 14 May; 3 June 1870. 89 Utah Reporter, 14 May, 1 December 1870; John Hanson Beadle, Western Wilds and the Men Who Redeem Them . . . (Cincinnati, 1878), p. 120; John Hanson Beadle, The Undeveloped West; or, Five Years in the Territories (Philadelphia, 1870), pp. 190-93. 81 Utah Reporter, 2, 7, 23, 26 June; 2 July; 21 October 1870. 82 Utah Reporter, 30 January 1871. 83 Citizens of Corinne, Utah, Memorial Asking for a Grant of Lands to Aid in Constructing a Canal for Irrigating Bear River Valley (Washington, D.C., 1871), pp. 1-5. 84 Corinne Reporter, 9 March; 31 August; 12 September; 21, 23 December 1871. 85 Congressional Globe, part 2, p. 997, 41st Cong., 3d sess., 1870-71; part 1, pp. 47, 58, 663, 1128, 1701, 42d Cong., 2d sess., 1871-72. 8(i U.S., Congress, House, United States Geological Survey of Montana and Portions of Adjacent Territories, by F. V. Hayden, pp. 238-40, House Exec. Doc. no. 326, Serial no. 1520, 42d Cong., 2d sess., 1872. 87 Corinne Journal, 11 May 1871. 88 Corinne Reporter, 7 May 1871. 92 Corinne