||26 TWENTY-THIRD ANNUAL REYNOLDS LECTURE ally remains potent, and in an age when crisis will follow upon crisis, the temptation to become less free in the belief we thereby become more strong may be irresistible. The presence of mechanical devices which can be utilized to prevent crime and subversion may also prove too tempting to resist, even though their utilization involves serious breaches of privacy. XL The foregoing account, while illustrating that the climate of freedom in our day is not as wholesome as it might be, should not be cause for discouragement. Those interested in the individual and his rights continue to have powerful elements on their side. Reference has already been made to them. Foremost among these forces is our heritage of freedom to which many continue to be dedicated. As noted, their spokesmen have been more articulate during the past few years, and there is reason to hope that their voices will continue to be heard. The Supreme Court, after an initial period of hesitancy, has also aligned itself on the side of those who place a high value on human dignity. Congress, having recovered from an interval of near panic, has shown less inclination to run roughshod over matters of concern to the individual. Furthermore, many writers are using their pens on behalf of the lone man. These voices need our encouragement. The problem is, as it always has been, that of balancing the demands of national security, of the elimination of subversion, and of the prevention of crimes, with the right of the individual to live a life free from regimentation and intrusion. In such balancing, my plea is that we ascribe to the individual his proper worth; that we in fact realize that it has been our traditional belief that true security and strength rest on his well-being and freedom. In the final analysis, we must recognize, as Professor Chafee has observed, that we get as much freedom as we want,36 that the lines of demarcation are drawn by the attitudes of society. It is essential, therefore, that as members of society we re-dedicate ourselves to the values inherent in the right to be let alone. Unless we do so, unless we come to appreciate more fully that our strength is not in informers, dossiers, and investigations; unless we comprehend that injustice to one is injury to all; unless we cease to play loosely with such words as "un-American" and "subversive"; unless we more fully recognize that the answer to advocacy is counter-advocacy; unless we are willing to undergo the dangers of liberty in order that life will be more meaningful, there can be but one result. That result will be that that right once called the "right most valued by civilized man" will cease to exist and with it American democracy as we know it. 36. Chafee, Three Human Rights in the Constitution 3 (1956).