OCR Text |
Show 260 APPENDIX S h I b compared to the case of a sick man, uc an anoma y may c afflicted with some vast internal abscess, who forgets. his grc.atcst d h I I tl vithin and occupies himself w1th the smglc anll'cr, ugs t 1c ( ca 1 ' , con:idcration of how he may best escape out of the hands of his pI lYSI·C i·i lTIS. Tl1 c doctors may indeed be unskilful; their propos. ed remedies may be of too bold a character; but one would tlnnk that in all such cases, the true and more legitimate object of fear, must be t!te disease itself. Ought not the attention of all good and wise men, Southerners and Northerners, Whigs and Democrats, to be directed to the timely and· judicious removal of the abscess, before it bursts ? If this is a correct view of the subject, (and it is the view of a calm bystander, who earnestly craves the welfare of all the parties concerned) the question immediately arises, What is the first step which the federal government of the United States may best adopt, in order to this grand end? To me it appears that the first step ought to be the abolition qf slavery in t!te District qf Columbia. 4 I am aware that the Senate has already passed a resolution against this measure, and that the very petitions of the people, in furtherance of it, are excluded, by a provision which Henry Clay himself allows to be unconstitutional, from the consideration of the legislature. I lament that Congress has thus for the present, debarred itself from that free discussion of the subject, which would lead to a development of the merits of the case. But I venture to believe that the more the point is considered by individual enquirers, the more general will the conviction become, first, that this measure is fair; and secondly, that it is desirable and even necessary. On a reference to Sec. viii, Art. 17, of the Constitution of the United States, I find it stated that " Congress shall have the power to exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district, (not exceeding ten miles square,) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, become the scat of the government of the United States." FREE AND l''ltTENDLY UEl\IARKS. 261 The words of this provision arc obvio us1 y s t rong an d com pre. . hensive ... I think it probable that the peculiar subject, either of the abohtwn or non-abolition of slavery, may not have been contemplated, when the article was formed; but if either of these things was in view with the framers of the article, one must conclude from the words "in all cases whatsoever," that there was a design to include, rather than exclude, the abolition of slavery. H~d t~1cr.e been entertained any secret reserve on this particular pomt, Jt 1s scarcely to be believed that expressions would have been adopted, so full, so explicit, so completely applicable to this, as to any other change, which Congress might deem advisable, in the internal regulation of the District to be ceded. I perfectly agree, however, with Henry Clay, in the opinion, that the true and simple intent of this article, was to give to Congress full power to effect any regulations in the District, which would render it suitable as the seat qf government qf the people qf tlte United States-that great, free, and happy nation, which I trust is yet destined to afford the world an example of the blessed union of public prosperity with public virtue. No sooner was the District of Columbia placed under the sole legislative control of the federal union, than Congress, and through Congress, the nation at large, became morally responsible for the consistency of the laws and customs of that District, with the principles of justice and mercy. It is astonishing that ~1e enlightened statesman with whom I am venturing to argue, should confine his view of this subject, to the mere question of the convenience of Congress, and the personal accommodation of its members. Higher and larger interests are here at stake. In the c~rcumstauce that in the District which surrounds the Capitol, SIX thousand persons arc pursuing their daily labors in the character of slaves, there is indeed nothing which effects the personal case of the debaters within the House. Nay, there is nothing to interrupt their discussions, or even to mar the plea- |