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[84] [85] fuch inference. I have chofen the words of an. difpofitions of any man, or any fet of men, act of Parliament, which Mr. Grenville, furely when they are compofed and at rel‘r, from their a tolerably zealous and very judicious advocate for the fovereignty of Parliament, formerly moved to have read at your table, in confirmation of his tenets. It is true that Lord Chatham confidered thefe preambles as declaring firongly in favour of his opinions. He was a no lefs powerful advocate for the privileges of the Americans. Ought I not from hence to prefume, that thefe preambies are as favourable as poiiible to both, when properly under-flood; favourable both to the rights of Parliament, and to the privilege of the dependencies of this crown? But, Sir, the obje€t of grievance in my refolution, I have not conduét, or their exprefiions, in a Rate of diflur- taken from the Cbef'rer, but from the Durham act, which confines the hardfhip of want of reprefentation, to the cafe of fubfidies; and which therefore falls in exaétly with the cafe of the Colonies. But whether the unreprefented counties were dejure, or de ‘fafio, bound, the preambles do not accurately difiinguifli; nor ineed was it necefiary; for, whether de jure, 01‘ (/6 faéi‘o, the Legillature thought the exercife of the power of taxing, as of right, or as of fact without right, equally a grievance and equally opprefiive.‘ ' I do not know, that the Colonies have, in any general way, or in any cool hou‘r, gone much beyond the demand of immunity in relation to taxes. It 18 not fair to judge of the temper or difpofitions bance and irritation. It is belides a very great mif‘rake to imagine, that mankind follow up praé‘tically any fpeculative principle, either of government or of freedom, as far as it will go in argument and logical illation. We Engliihmen, ftop very fhort of the principles upon which we fupport any given part of our confiitution; or even the whole of it together. I could eafily, ifl had not already tired you, give you very firiking and convincing infiances ofit. This is nothing but what is natural and proper. All government, indeed every human benefit and en- joyment, every virtue, and every prudent act, is founded on compromife and barter. We balance inconveniencies; we give and take; we remit fome rights, that we may enjoy others ; - and, we chufe rather to be happy citizens, than fubtle diffputants. As we muft give away fome natural liberty, to enjoy civil advantages; {6 we mufi: facrifice forne civil liberties, for the advantages to be derived from, the communion and fellowfhip of a great empire. But in all fair dealings the thing bought, muff bear fome proportion to the purchafe paid. None will barter away the immediate jewel of his foul. Though a great houfe is apt to make flaves haughty, yet it is pur‘chafing a part of the artificial importance of a great empire too clear, to pay for it all eflential G 3 rights, |