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Show 62 the second. I will here only observe, that, with the intelligence and state of feeling prevalent at the North~ publtc opinion cannot be determined by associations, cspecmlly by one which takes Agitation for its motto. Agitation may be useful, in producing a speedy movement u~ ~avor of an object of clear utility, and about which opmwns do not greatly differ. For example, in the case of Tem~et:anc~, where men are generally of one mind, where opmwn IS fixed, where excitement is the great object to be accomplished, where men are to be roused to resist habits which they know to be wrong ; in such a case, an array of numbers, a system of pledges, and multiplied public meetings, may do good. But, on a subject involving many practical difficulties and solemn consequences, and coming, as many think, into collision with great public interests, agitation will not now avail. Men distrust it, fear it, and resent as a wrong, the violence with which the opinions of zealous men are forced on the community. Agitation may carry such a country as Ireland, where the people, besides being ignorant, are all inflamed with one sense of wrong, and every heart responds to the Agitator's cry. So it carried the British act of Emancipation, for the nation was ripe for action, and, for the most part, had no hostile prejudices to surrender. But an inte1ligent people, divided in opinion and feeling on a great subject, cannot be carried by storm, or be swept away by a fervent association. The ardent advocates, even of a good cause, if marshalled into an army, and joined in vehement onset on the prejudices of such a community, cannot but awaken re-action and obstinate repulsion ; and will, too often, put themselves in the wrong by passionate movements, of which the foe is sure to profit. I now speak of associated agitation. J"et the individual enthusiast, who acts from his own soul, agitate as much as he will. I would not say a word to stifle the full, bursting heart. But premeditated, organized agitation, is another 63 thing. Besides the difficulty already stated, it is apt to degenerate into noise and show, and to fall under suspicion of pretence, and, on this account, is less forgiven for what is deemed excess. I see, therefore, very serious obstacles to the triumphs of organized Abolitionism in a community like ours. It has, indeed, done good. Under all its disadvantages, it has roused many minds, but it cannot carry with it the people. As to Abolitionism in its more general form, or regarded as an individual principle of settled, earnest opposition to slavery, this has taken deep root, and must grow and triumph. It is in harmony with our institutions, and with all tho tendenci~s of modern civilization. It triumphs in Europe, and will flow in upon us from abroad more and more freely, in consequence of those improvements of intercourse which place Europe almost at our door. Still, it is far from being universal among us. There are obstacles as well as aids to its progress, in consequence of which, it is to make its way calmly, gradually, so that there is no possibility of any violent action from the freest discussion of slavery. There is no danger of nn anti-slavery fever here, which will justify the South to itself in encountering the infinite hazards of disunion. The prevalent state of feeling in the free States in regard to slavery is, indifference ; an indifference strengthened IJy the notion of great difficulties attending the subject. The fact is painful, but the truth should be spoken. The m~jority of the people, even yet, care little about the matter. A painful proof of this insensibility was furnished about a year and a half ago, when the English West Indies were emancipated. An event surpassing this in moral grandeur, is not recorded in history. In one day, half a million, probably seven hundred thousand of human beings, wore rescued from bondage, to full, unqualified freedom. The consciousness of wrongs, in so many breasts, was ex• |