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Show 4 by imputations, true or false, on the speaker. There is indeed a general presumption against a politician's purity of purpQse ; but public men differ in character as much as private ; and when a statesman holds an honorable place in his class, and brings high gifis to a discussion, he ought to be listened to with impartiality and respect. For one, I desire that slavery should be defended by the ablest men among its upholders. In the long run , truth is aided by nothing so much as by opposition, and by the opposition of those who can give the full strength of the argument on the side of error. In an age of authority and spiritual bondage, the opinions of an individual are often important, sometimes decisive. One voice may determine the judgment of a country. But in an age of free discussion, little is to be feared from great names, on whatever side arrayed. When I hear a man complaining, that some cause, which he has at heart, will be put back for years by a speech or a book, I suspect that his attachment to it is a prejudice, that he has no consciousness of standing on a rock. The more discussion the better, if passion and personality he eschewed; and discussion, even if stormy, often winnowa truth from error, a good never to be expected in an un• inquiring age. I have said, that my concern is wholly with Mr. Clay's speech, not with the author; and I would add, that in the greater part of the discussion which is to follow, my concern will be with slavery and not with the slaveholder, Principles, not men, are what I wish to examine and judge. For the sake of truth and good temper, personalities are to be shunned as far as they may. I shall speak strongly of slavery, for we serve neither truth nor virtue by pruning discourse into tameness ; but a criminal institution does not necessarily imply any singular criminality in those who uphold it. An institution, the growth of barbarous times, transmitted from distant ages, and " sanctified " by the 5 laws, is a very different thing, a5 far as the charact~r of .its friends is concerned from what it would be, were 1t dehberatcly adopted at the present day. I must indeed ascribe much culpableness to the body of slaveholders, JUSt as I see much to blame in political parties ; but do I therefore set down all the members of these classes as unprincipled men? The injustice, criminality, inhumanity of a practice we can judge. The guilt of our neighbour we can ~ever weigh with exactness ; and in most cases must refer htm to a higher tribunal. This I say, that I may separ~te the subject from personalities. To me, the slaveholder IS very much an abstraction. The word as here used expresses a general relation. The individual seldom or never enters ~ili~~L , The principal part of Mr. Clay's speech IS an attack on the Abolitionists. These I have no thought of defending. They must fight their own battle. I am not of them, and nothing would induce me to become responsible for their movements. And this I say from ~o desire to shift from myself an unpopular name. It w11l be seen in the course of these remarks, that I am not studying to soothe prejudice or to make a compromise with error. I separate myself from the Abolitionists from no sensitiveness to reproach. A man, who has studied Christianity and history as long as you and myself, will not be very anxious to shelter himself from what has been the common lot of the friends of truth. However the Abolitionists may have erred, I honor them as advocates of the principles of freedom, justice, and humanity, and for having clung to these amidst threats, perils, and violence. In declining all connexion with them, I am influenced by no desire to make over to others all the censures and invectives of the community ; but I simply wish to take my true position, to appear what I am. 1 * |
