OCR Text |
Show 90 will do for a court. of law, but which it is an insult to present to a great nation. Suppose that Congress, at the beginning of a session, should ordain, that an aperture of certain dimensions should be made on the clerk's table and be connected by a tube with the cellar or common sewer; and should then ordain, that by far the greater number of petitions, to be presented during the session, should be committed to the part of the table occupied by the opening, so as to sink immediately and be never heard of more. What man of common sense, who knows the difference between words and things, or what freeman, who cares a rush for his rights, would not say, that the right of petition had been virtually annulled? VVhy not openly reject the petitions, without this mockery? Do we not know, that it is from side-blows that liberty has most to fear? It is very possible, that legal subtilty may find precedents for the course pursued by Congress, just as it may find authorities to prove that we have no right to our own persons, but may be sold as chattels. But sur.h reasonings to a freeman carry their answer on their own front. Human rights are toO sacred, too substantial, to be refined and attenuated into shadows by ingenious comparison of precedents and authorities. I take the ground, that the right of petition is something, and of course that there is a fatal fallacy in the reasoning which would reduce it to nothing. 1 would recommend to my readers a "Letter of the Honorable Caleb Cushing to the people of Massachusetts," in which this subject is discussed with great clearness and ability. It should be circulated as a tract. The public are also much in· debted to the Honorable J. Q. Adams, for his unshrinking energy in maintaining the right of petition. I say this from no particular interest in the present case. I doubt, whether the agitation of slavery in Congrce:~s is to do good to the country or to the cause of Emancipation; whether Abolition petitions bring the subject before the people, either at the North or South, in the manner most likely to produce conviction. I look at the matter without reference to present parties. One of the sacred rights of the people ho.s been touched, and this should never be done without expressions of jealousy and reprobation. The strongest political influence in this country is po.rty~spirit; a selfish, unrighteous, unscrupulous spirit, impatient of restraint, and always ready to sacrifice the provisions of the Constitution to 91 Cpr.uetsieesn ot pf urep-o:soes. and. I· mme d'm te tn.u m_rh. One of the most solemn har J ~·~ hsm 18 to guard our nghts from the touch of this . ~y .l' • o r:ecedents of encroachment must be y iclded to partystip tmh t, 1h0r It WJ!l push t}I Cm to extremes. No bulwarks which our da ers ave erected round our liberties, must be surrend~red The is~ngers of hberty arc always great from human passions a~d selffi mesal; g~eat under the freest institutions, and sometimes gre·tter t;om ;v mt " called the popular party than from any other. and for i~':1f .~~~:••;on, t~:at this pa~ty has formed the bad habit of calling b . 1 P ople, and easily deludes itself into the belie( that, t efm g 11 t 1de peop. le' " 1· t may take great freedoms with the Co' nsti- ,:h:tn~oa:stit~~:si: r;wer with .little restraint. This delusion is I e anger to hberty from mobs . mobs call them-se ves "the people." ' N ole to page 26. at I thha veS allohw ed on . this pa ge, tlm t slavery wears a milder aspect e out than m other c t . I readers, that this is denied oun nes., ough~ to. inform my matter A hl by some, '\ ho have mqmred into tile York, .in wl;i:~p th:t s~rb_larger volume is announced at New South . t b . ~ect of the treatment of slaves at the th IS o e p~rtteular1y considered. The work is said to be nr: ;::~\~e~f r~;ent inquiries, n.nd full proofs of its statements of Soothe .SI tose nt the North, who bcHeve in the mildness rn avery, will do well to examine the publication. |