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Show 50 ness, not accompanied with appeals to the gratitude and better nature of the slave. It was conferred by a distant benefactor; it was forced on the planter. It was submitted to with predictions of its ruinous results. The generous h~pe , which so ofien creates the good it pants for, was wantmg. In Jamaica it would seem, that the furious opposition of the plantin~ interest to the measure, broke out, in some in· stances into a desire of its defeat. Yet under all these disadva~tages, which can never occur here, because emancipation here must be a free gift, the prospects of a successful issue are brighter than had dawned on any but the most ardent spirits. The failure of such an experiment would not have discouraged me. What ought not to be hoped from its success ? 1\ir. Clay seems particularly to dread immediate emaneipation. But this, in the common acceptation of the words, is not the only way of giving freedom. Let the wisdom of the South engage in this cause heartily, and in good faith, and it is reasonable to expect, that means of a safe transition to freedom, not dreamed of now, would be devised. This work we have no desire to take out of the master's hands, nor would we thrust on him our plans for adoption. I indeed think, that emancipation, in one sense of the phrase, should be immediate ; that is, the right of property in a human being should be immediately disclaimed. But though private ownership should cease, the State would be authorized and bound to provide for its own safety. The legislature may place the colored race under guardian· ship, may impose such restraints as the public order shall require, and may postpone the full enjoyment of personal liberty even to the next generation. There was a time, when these safeguards seemed to me needful. Happily the West Indies are teaching, and, I trust, will continue to teach, that immediate emancipation, in the full sense of the words, is safer than a gradual loosening of the chain. Let me close this head with one remark. Allow what is not true ; allow emancipation to be dangerous. VVill it be safer hereafter, than at the present moment ? \Viii it be safer when the slaves shall have douhlcd, trehled, or still more increased ? And must it not at length come ? Can any man, who considers the chances of war, and the direction which opinion is taking in the civilized world, believe, that slavery is to be perpetual ? Is it wise to wink out of sight a continually increasing peril ? At this moment, what possible danger is to be feared from emancipation in the northern slave States ? Does not every Kentuckian h"''wtv, that slavery can be ended now, without the slightest hazard to social order ? Does not the wholR danger, as to that State, lie in delay ? How, then, can danger be an excuse for refusing emancipation ? Having thus reviewed the common objections to emancipation, I pass to one more topic, which is referred to in Mr. Clay's speech, and which is the burden of many passionate appeals from the South. I have in view the objections, which are made to the agitation of the question of slavery at the North. These are chiefly two, that such discussion may excite insurrection among the slaves; and, that it threatens to dissolve the Union. In regard to the first, the danger of insurrection, I have shown how I view it by continuing to write on the subject of slavery. Could I discover even a slight ground for apprehending such a result, I would not write. Nothing would tempt me to take the hazard of stirring up a servile war. Bad as slavery is, massacre is far worse. In the present case, words of truth and good will are the only weapons for a Christian to fight with. A mysterious and adorable providence permits and controls massacre war, and the rage of savage men, for the subversion of corrupt ir.stitutlons, just as it purifies the tainted atmos- |