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Show 50 tical class of aristocrats refused to suffer it; they put men of political genius in jail, or hung them. .Ko~suth and Mazzini were lucky men to escape to a foreign land: thousands fled to America. In Europe, at present, and especially on the continent, this regressive power carries the day, and the progressive force is held down. For priests, kings, and nobles, inheriting a position which was once the hiO'hest that mankind had attained to, and then taldng it as b a trust, now count it a right of their own, a finality of the human race, the end of man's progress. When a nation permanently consents to this triumph of the regressive over the progressive force, allows one class to do all the government and shun all the labor, it is presently all over with that nation. Look at Italy, with Rome and Naples; at Spain, which is too far gone even to be galvanized into life. See what already takes place in France, where the son of the nephew has just been born, and the little baby is recognized as Emperor. Look at an electionday in Massachusetts, where the people choose one of themselves to be their temporary Governor, responsible to them, swearing him on their statute-book: compare that with the preparation which Napoleon the Little made to anticipate the birth of Napoleon the Least! Why, the garments got ready for this equivocal baby have already cost more than the clothes of all our Presidents since "a young Buckskin taught a British General the art of fighting." Eighty thousand dollars is decreed to pay for baptizing this imperial bantling. If twice that sum could christen the father, it might not be ill spent, if thereto decreed. Look at New England, and then at Spain, to see the odds between a people that has the progressive force uppermost, and a nation where th~ regressive force has trod the people down, and be· come, as It must, destructive. The Romanic nations of Italy and Spain, and the Romanized Celts of France consent to a despotism which puts all the labor on the ~eople, and 51 takes all the government from them: they easily enough accept the rule of the political and ecclesiastical aristocracy. But the 'reutons, especially the Saxon Teutons, and, above all others, those in the Northern States of America, with their immense love of individual liberty, hate despotism, either political or ecclesiastical. They perpetually demand more Christianity and Democracy; that each shall do his own Work, and rejoice in its result; that each shall have his share in the Government of all. 'l'he women, long excluded from this latter right, now claim, and will at length, little by little, gain it. When all thus share the burthens and the joys of life, there is no class of men compelled by their position to hate society: so Law and Order prevail with ease; each keeps step with all, nor wishes to stay the march ; property is secure, the government popular. But when one class does all the ruling, and forces all the toil on another class, nothing is certain but trouble and violence. Thus, in St. Domingo, red rebellion scoured black despotism out of the land, but with blood. If a government, like a pyramid, be wide at the bottom, it takes little to hold it up. So much for the regressive force. In the United States, we have hvo Peoples in one nation, similar in origin, united in their history, but for the last two generations so diverse in their institutions, their mode of life, their social and political aims, that now they have become exceedingly unlike, even alien and hostile; for, though both the stems grow out from the same ethnologic root, one of them has caught such a mildew from the ground it hangs over, and the other trees it mixes its boughs among, that its fruit has become "peculiar," and not like the native produce of the sister trunk. One of these I will call the Northern States, the other the Southern States. At present, there is a governmental bond put round |