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Show 58 SECOND DA\'-JUOitNINU SESSION. the power of the slaveholder in equal degree. The acql~isition of Louisiana gave new impulse to this power, but it was. nev~r praciJcallr demonstrated, until the application by M.iss?uri to be admtt~etltnto the Un10n. It was on this occasion that the jir:st lnUUI]Jh was obt_mn~d on the Jloo~ of Congress, by Lite slavelwlding power, over the Conslll.utwn_of the Umted Stales, as well as that of Missouri. The people of !\hssoun formed for themselves a Constitution, in which they had given their Legislature full authority to prohibit the introduction of any slave into that state, for the purpose of speculation or as an article of trade or merchandise. \Vhen she presented herself f~r admission into the Union, the slaveholding power in Congress objected to the exercise of this authority rem~ining .with her legislators, and the final compromise was not to compel M1ssoun to change her Constitution, but that her Legislature, by a solemn pu~lic act, to be made in pnrsuance of a rcsolutio.n o~ Congress, ~ho~ld prov1de antl declare that the before-mentioned provisiOn 111 her ConsiltutJOn should never be construed to authorize the passage of any law, and that no law should be passed in conformity thereto, by which any citizen of either of the states of this Union, Rhoultl be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such citizens were entitled, under the Constitution of the United States. This compromise, which I consider one of the darkest pages in the hi~tory of Congress, though submitted to by the people or Missouri, was severely rebuked by them at the time. This was the first open step to place slavery under the provisions of that Constitution which was formed for the safety and security of liberty. It assumes the principle, though covertly, that man may be made property, and that a citizen of either state, has a right to make merchandise of him if a slave, to use him in trade as a chattle, to sell him in any state in which slavery exists, for the purpose of speculation, and that such state has no power to prohibit the sale. This to my mind is a monstrous principle, and at open variance with every pro· vision of a Constitution, immolated, in this compromise, on the altar of slavery. The slaveholding power having thus obtained a foothold on the ramparts of the Constitution, by a violation of its spirit and its letter, now claims that violation as evidence of the right itself, and boldly asserts that the Constitution recognises slavery as one of the institutions of the country, and that the right of the slaveholder to his slave is derived from that instrument. It is here the question must be met, and decided. The arrogance of the slaveholding power, in trampling down the right of petition, and denying the freedom of debate, are only consequences re~ulling from this assumption of power, and is a foretaste of what we may expect, when it shall have completely established itself (should it be permilled to do so) within the provisions of the Constitution. That instrument will then be no longer what it now is, the home of I.iberty. h will be made its grave. This is ~he first great and comb.ined interest. in this country which strikes at equal r1ghts, but all other spec1al and local mtcrests have the same tendency, when they claim peculiar or exclusive privileges. The monied interest is next to be feared, and whenever that or any other shall have acquired sufl1cient strength to induce or influence Congress to legislate for its special benefit, there will be an end to that equality of rights which the Constitution designed to establish for the benefit of all. That our liberties are assailed, and individual as well as poJitical rights disregarded by men in high places of power, none I think will presume to deny; but that the Union or the Constitution are yet so far endangered as to create despondency, I can by no means admit. The unnatural matter which alavery is attempting to c11graft upon the Constitution, wi1l soon be POF.TTCAJ. ADDRF.S3 OF J. G. WIIITTTER. blown off by the breath of popular opinion. The remeUy for all evils in the system or administration of our government is in the hands of the people, and FREE DISCUSSION-discussion without fear of the pi::;tol of the duellist, the knife of the assassin, the faggot of the incendiary, or the still more dangerous fury of the unbridled mob,-that free discussion which the people must and will have, soon will work out an effectual cure. It is not in the nature of man to remain for ever depri\'ed of his rights in a counll·y like our own. But free discussion must be practised to produce its salutary efi'ects. You and your fellow citizens of Philadelphia have set a noble example. Though the sectarian and bigot may exclude you from his sanctuary, and the cringing sycophant to power may shut you out from the Halls erected at your expense and consecrated to justice, yet you are not discouraged, but have again erected your own Hall for a noble purpose-for the purpose of that free discussion, without which religion would languish, and liberty :.md justice would die. 1 congratulate the friends of equal rights every where on this praiseworthy effort. I trust its influence will be producti\'e of much good to the human race. I hope that it may cross the mountains and descend the valley of the Mississippi, until free discussion shall havt' restored the purity of the Constitution, and the reign of righteous law. It will be then, and not till then, that the value and merit of your proceeding in this matter will be duly appreciated, and Pennsylvania will be considered as having furnished new evidence that she is, in reality, the KeyRtone of our po· litica} arch, THE ARK OF OUR POLITICAL SAFETY. With great respect, I am, gentlemen, Your obedient servant, THOi\tAs MoRRis . .Toscph M. Ta·uman, \Vm. II. Scott, 'Vm. l\TcKee, Samuel \Vcbh-Committee. The following poetical address, written by Jou~ G. \VmTTIER for the occasion, was then read by CJTARLE3 C. BunLEIGH. ADDRESS. NoT with the splendon~ of the days of old- The spoil of nations, and "barbaric gold"- No weapons wrested from the li.elds of blood, 'Vhere dark and stern th' unyielding Roman stood, And the proud Eagles of his cohorts saw A world, war-wasted, crouching to his law-. Nor blazoned car-nor banners floating gay, Like those which swept along the Appian way, lVhen, to the welcome of imperial Rome, The victor warrior came in triumph home, A1.1d trnmpet peal, .and shouting.s wild and high, St1rred the blue q01et of th' Itahan sky ;- But calm, and grateful, prayerful, and sincere, As Christian freemen only, gathering here, 'Ve dedicate our fair and lofty Hall, Pillar and arch, entablature and wall, As Virtue's shrine-as Liberty's abodeSacred to Freedom, and to Freedom's God! |