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Show 18 FIRST DAY-MORNiNG SESSIO:S. even the lesser evil; provided it can be done without encountering the greater. If we cannot effect a radical cure, why let us at least endeavor to alleviate the distress by assuasives, rather than increase it by irritation. The controversy in which we are now engaged, ought to be considered a friendly, a fraternal struggle, intended to benefit, and not to destroy; to propi· tiate, and not to aggravate; to soothe, and not to terrify. Depend upon it, the alternative is not what they would have us to believe it. \Vhy Hlwnld the as· peri tics of the respective states be sharpened or their motives impugned? \Vhy should they be heralded to the lists by angry disputants, armed at all points for lmsparing war? It is dangerous to familiarize tile mind to such till~ holy thoughts. They arc unworthy of the cause; they arc unworthy of us; they increase by indulgence, and may at lengtb produce those evils which at first they only threatened. Evil conceits are the parents of crime; from being familiar, they at length become praclical, and from being practical, they may at last appear laudable. Their encouragement is dangerous. Their expression often treasonable. Nor are our fears and forebodings more fatal to our tranquillity than threat$. These breed ill blood amongst us; they exclude the genial light of reason from our councils, and enkindle in its place the devouring flame of dissension and of discord, of hatred and revenge. If they fail, the wounds of disappointment rankle in the heart; if they succeed, it is too frequently by extorting from our fears or aflCctions what should spring only from our judgments and our justice. The weakness of that argument, may always fairly be suspected, that thus addresses itself to the passions, and not to the understandings of men. Let us, therefore, dismiss all such unsocial and improper influence from our minds, while we candidly and dispassionately investigate the merits of this question. First, then, is the abolition of slavery expedient? 'Morality approves it-religion approves it. These, even in every political discussion, are towers of strength; but when it shall be perceived, that, independent of both, policy sanctions it, nothing will remain to be said,-our work is accomplished, and we rest from our labors. Morality and religion imply expediency, and it is, therefore, only necessary that we should look to the objections urged against it. Some of tho::Je have been already noticed; the others, which are prominent, le t us briefly consider. .It is said to be inexpedient, because it will produce civil war; and this is sa1d by those who threaten such war. It would be much easier to show that the thre~t is. inexpedie~1t.. T!tis ~s to render abolition impolitic, by the mere determmahon to res1st 1t; Jt m1ght as well be said that our blessed religion is inexpedient, because infidels will rail and will not believe! Like the adder they will not hearken to the voice of the charmer, charm he never ~o wisel~. This is the same argument that was used against the tariJr, and It was sa1d that thousands of bayonets bristled in its support,-the same ar~um.ent that was used against the restrictions upon Missouri,-the same ?bJ.ectlon that is resorted to upon every question; and, allow us to observe, lt ts the most dangerous argument that can be adopted, because it is ad~ dressed to the fears, and not to the reason of man. Threats like these, however, from being familiar, have long since ceased to be terrible. They can excit~ no other feelings than those of reg ret, that our Southern brethren, after havmg been so often foiled in s imilar calculations should still remain so incor:igibly .weak, in spite of experience, as to dream of con trolling orr even m.nuencltlg the free ~tates, and the friends of freedom every where, b) these a1r:drawn daggers. fhe advocates for liberty are to be reached only t~rougl~ thetr reas.on,-they take no counsel from their passions in national dtscu~s1ons. Satisfy them that the encouragement of slavery, or even its OA\'ID J'A liJ, RROWN's ORA.'fiOX. IU toleration, can possibly be productive of any beneficial, moral, or political res~ilt i satisfy the?1 that it would not be, in its fairest aspect, an indelible stam. upon our nallonal character, and a daring outrage against high H eaven, and tts ~ontinuance w.illno longer be resisted. But this gasconading system never will succeed; 1t never should succeed. I.ike all other evils, it will inc:ea~e with indulgence, until, at length, every question,-whatever may be t~s nnportance,-will be decided, not with a due regard to its intrinsic ments,.o.r the gen.eral advantage of the country, but solely from a dispositiott to conctliate the refractory , and preserve unimpaired the tranquillity of the government. Secondly, thc.y say that, by the articles of confederation, the property of the slaveholder 111 the slave was rat ified and confirmed; that, like Shylock, they hold the bond for the pound of flesh. 'Twas dearly bought-'1is theirs-and t!tey will have it. Now, without contending that no lc4'Tal concession is bindin(T whatever shape it may aetiume, that is opposed to0 thc law of nature and ~f God, we may be allowed to remark that, if, as we are assured, paradoxical as it may seem, the South is desirous of being rel ieved from the curse of slavery, and the only questiott is as to the manner and result,-we cannot understand how they can consistently contend for the continued entailment of this curse, whatever may have been its ratification. It seems, that, rather than escape fr?m the impending horrors of a servile war, they would encounter the sttll.greater horr~rs of a civil war. If they suppose we would subject them to either, they mtstake us utterly; we do not ask to add to their afllictions, we pray only to be permitted to relieve them,-to relieve them in a manner ~1ost salutary and efrective. \Ve sull'er in their sufferings, as co·members 111 the g reat national family,-and we shrink from, while contemplating, tlt~t wret~hed empyricism that directs all its ellOrts towards healing the sk1n, wh1le the heart is in decay. They deem this sympathy obtrusive; they say, we will relieve ourselves, in our own way. Is it, then, proper tl~at a patient~ ~vith a fever fit upon him, should be permitted to prescribe h1s own med1c1nes ? to abjure his physician, and to disdain the advice of his family and friends? \Vill you not at least listen to us? Your interests are ours-your dangers are ours-we flourish or perish together: and we here avow,. wl~ateve r may be our efforts, stimulated by a l:iense of duty for the c.manetpatwn of the slave, we are mainly influenced by a liberal and affectwnate regard for yon. Do you not perceive that, if you are since1·e in the professed desire to shake off this bnrthcn, there is no time like the present ?--that its weight accumulates with every hour, and that, when at last Y?U are cru:ihed and crippled under it, it will be entirely too late for that v1~orous exertion which is essential to the removal 2nd expulsion of tl.1e e.vJI. \Ve are prepared to aid you now in any rational system of em an~ ~1pat10n. But do not dehu.le yourselves. Self~delusion upon this subject Js. worse tha~ death. Do not, like the monster~monarch, amuse yourselves wit~ performtng the c.aptivating tune of Liberia upon your new fangled fiddles, while your R~me IS burning. Instead of spending our Jives in cold debate, let us, like a band of brothers, rush to the rescue of the captive, and we must succeed. Or if we fail, it is consolatory to reflect, that in great attempts 'tis glorious e'en to fail. The emancipation of sla\'es cannot be brought about by the free states alone. The Southern states must unite with them. The influence of the No~the:n Shltes, however, will be felt. The influence of public opinion, wluch IS as broad and general as the casing air, will also in time be ackno\v~ l~dged.. That public opinion is at once the parent and offspring of free dtdcusswn, of an untrammelled press,-and aided and sustained by these, it |