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Show 12 FIRST DAV-lUORNlNG SESSION. have erected a Hall for its unrestrained exercise. I know that the people of Phila<lelphia need a voice as of one f~om the wilderness, to rally them to the standard of human rights, but that votce must come fro~1 among thems~lves . lf there is not one native, I say not of Pennsylvan~a, but of the city of Philadelphia who dares to tell you the truth in tones that shall reach to the sepulchres of the dead, lock up you~ Hall. on ~he same day that you shall open it, and wait for the appmnted ttm~: tl wtll surel.Y come. I must apologize to you even for wntmg ~o you ~Ilh so. much freedom. I hope it may be without offence, for to ?votd tim~ ts. pree1sely ~1y reason for declining to deliver the address .wlucl! you mv1t~. No.ttung could delight me more than to address the mhab1tant~ of ~luladelplua upon the opening in their ci_ty of ~ Hall d_e~oted to free d~scusswn, could I spea.~ ~o them my whole m1nd, without g1vmg to many of them great oJfenc.e.-1 Ius would be impossible. It would have been, perhaps, more discreet lo answer that, independent of all other considerations, my detention here in the discharge of indispensable duties, would, in all probability, preclude the possibility of my engaging to visit Philadelphia at the indicated time. I shall, therefore, request you to accept that as my answer, and to consider the remnant of this letter only as a testimonial of my respectful sensibility to your invitation, and of my fervent wishes that the Pennsylvania Hall may fnlfil its destination, by de· monstrative proof, that freedom of speech in the city of Penn shall no longer be AN ABSTRACTION. I am faithfully your friend, JOliN QUIXCY ADAMS. DECEMBER 25TH, 1837. IJeat Sir&:-I have ju~t returned from New York, which must account to you for not having earlier answered your letter of the 18th, on the subject of delivering the first address in the Pennsylvania Hall. By the first address, I presume you mean a dedicatory address. For some time past, I have invariably declined applications that might be calculated to take any portion of my time from my profession. But I have always said, and now say again, that I will .fight the battle of liberty as long as I have a shot in the locker. Of course, I will do what you require. Yours truly, DAVID PAUL BROWN. S. l\'eUb and " ' m. H. Scott, Esqs. DAVID PAUL BROWN'S ORATION. 1 AM here to redeem my pledge-a pledge as freely given, as it shall be fearlessly redeemed. Here in the very centre of Hfleen millions of chartered freemen; here in Penn.sylvania, the brightest star in the republican con· stellation ; here, where, in seventeen hundred and seventv·six Freedom was proclaimed, and in seventeen hundred and eighty SlaverY was abolished, as priest of this day's sacrifices, I solemnly dedicate this temple to Liberty. Upon such an occasion, what can more obviously furnish the subject for a discourse than the divine attributes of that tutelar divinily, to whom we thus profess our devotion. Liberty, then, my fellow citizens, is the theme upon which I design to dwell,-a theme to every American heart "Far, fnL' mo1-c precious, den1·, than life." The Liberalia were certain festivals or games of H.ome, wherein slaves were permitted to speak with freedom; and all men temporarily assumed, at least, the appearance of independence. This, therefore, may be considered the Liberalia of a country that promises to rival Rome in her most palmy state. Among the hundreds of thousands of the heathen deities none were worshipped with more unqualified devotion than Liberty, by the renowned nations of antiquity; and none assuredly present stronger claims to preside over the destinies of a virtuous republic. Liberty is like life, to be enjoyed, not to be defined; and it is improved in proportion as it is diffused,-itl other words. the more general it is, the more perfect. This idea, is aptly illustrated by contrasting the freedom of a monarchy or a despotism, with that of a rP-public. The monarch or the despot enjoys entire freedom, subject not even to the restraint of the laws; but the very excess of his immunities is the result of a diminution of the rights and just privileges of his subjects. An overgrown power in individuals is like a resistless determination of the blood to the brain, or to the heart, or to any other great vital organ of the human frame-it always puts in jeopardy, and oflcn destroys, the entire physical system. \Vhereas, when the blood is equally diffused, a heahhy tone and perfect equilibrium are secured, which impart energy and life to all the functions and faculties of both bot1y and mind. Liberty is not matter of indulgence ; the moment it is, it ceases to possess its essential qua)iLies. Freedom loses its character, when it is dependent npon the will, either of the few, or the many. In order to its existence it must be independent of all contingent influence; it is in vain that the trumpet sounds; in vain that we applaud the bright eyed goddess to the very echo that doth applaud again, if the voice of sorrow, and the clanking of chains are heard in the very heart of our re· joicings. History, in her numerous examples, abundantly shows that, in proportion as vice and corruption encumber the earth, Liberty sinks in the esteem of the people, until, at length, she is either voluntarily relinquished, or so vitiated in principle, a~ to lo~e her divine attributes, and become only |