Utah Archaeology 1991

Paleo-Indian Occupation In The Eastern Great Basin And Northern Colorado Plateau

PALEO- INDIAN OCCUPATION IN THE EASTERN GREAT BASIN AND NORTHERN COLORADO PLATEAU Alan R. Schroedl, P- In Associates, Inc., 2212 South West Temple, Suite 21, Salt Lake City, Utah 84115- 2645 ABSTRACT A review of Paleo- Indian data from throughout Utah suggests that there were differences in the lithic technology and settlement and subsistence patterns between Paleo- Indian groups in the eastern Great Basin and the northern Colorado Plateau. Discussions of Paleo- Indian terminology, projectile point types, and evidence of subsistence patterns are presented. Differences between the Paleo- Indian occupation in the eastern Great Basin and the northern Colorado Plateau are discussed. INTRODUCTION Recently, Willig and Aikens ( 1988) provided an overview of the Western Clovis and. Western Stemmed complexes in the Far West. They define the Far West as the portion of North America west of the Rocky Mountains and discuss 31 Paleo- Indian sites and locales within this region. Only three of these sites are located in the eastern Great Basin, in Utah. Although they include the Colorado Plateau within the scope of their article, they do not mention any of the Paleo- Indian sites or finds from the Colorado Plateau ( Willig and Aikens 1988: Figure 1). At the time of publication of Willig and Aikens's summary, preliminary reports of the Lime Ridge site ( Davis and Brown 1986) and the Montgomery site ( Davis 1985) were available. In addition, numerous isolated finds of Paleo- Indian points had been reported on the Colorado Plateau by 1988 ( Copeland and F i e 1988; Schroedl 1977). This paper reviews the Palm- Indian evidence from the northern Colorado Plateau relative to the chronological and subsistence framework proposed by Willig and Aikens for the entire area they defined as the Far West. My review of these data suggests their framework is not applicable to the northern Colorado Plateau and that the Paleo- Indian complexes in the eastern Great Basin and northern Colorado Plateau have different chronological sequences as well as different subsistence patterns. It appears that as early as 10,000 B. C. Paleo- Indian groups within the eastern Great Basin and the northern Colorado Plateau were differentiating themselves technologically as they adapted to changing local environmental conditions. DEFINITION: THE PALEO- INDIAN PERIOD Simms ( 1988) discusses the terminological quagmire that engulfs researchers attempting to understand the earliest prehistoric occupation in western North America. The term Paleo- Indian is burdened with a variety of connotative meanings depending on its context. Although the term Paleo- Indian was initially defined as an archaeological stage representing a specific adaptation and liieway ( Willey and Phillips 1958: 8& 81), the term has also been widely used to refer to a time period that is marked by certain Paleo- Indian tool complexes, and to the complexes and assemblages that occur within that time period. Ideally, researchers would have a separate label for the specific time period, separate labels for the technological complexes and artifact assemblages ( cf. Willig and Aikens 1988), and still other separate terms for the subsistence practices. The fact that big game hunting is part of the stage definition of the term Paleo- Indian has caused Willig and Aikens ( 1988: 5) to reject the term Paleo- Indian completely for the Far West. Likewise, Elston and Budy ( 1990) also reject the term Palm- Indian in favor of Pre- Archaic to distinguish what they perceive to be a difference in subsistence patterns between Paleo- Indian groups known to have hunted large migratory megafauna in the Southwest and the Great Plains and contemporary people in the Great Basin. It is beyond the scope of this paper to debate the merits of proper terminology for stages, periods, WAH ARCHAEOLOGY I991 pp 1- 15 2 UTAH ARCHAEOLOGY I991 complexes, and lifeways for the earliest occupations in the eastern Great Basin and the northern Colorado Plateau. Therefore, for the purposes of this paper, I will use Paleo- Indian Period to refer to a specific time period during which Paleo- Indian tool complexes are identified in the archaeological record. The use of the term Palm- Indian in the context of this paper, as will become apparent in the discussions below, is not meant to associate a particular form of subsistence adaptation or lifeway to any technological complex, nor is the term a priori used to differentiate Archaic lifeways from earlier Palm- Indian lifeways. In fact, Simms ( 1988: 45) suggests that lifeways during the Paleo- Indian and Archaic periods in the Great Basin were relatively similar and undifferentiated. Additionally, throughout this discussion, the term Paleo- Indian refers to sites that fall into a specific time period ( defined below) and have specific archaeological traits or complexes. It continues to be a research issue whether the prehistoric peoples at these sites were big game hunters or broad spectrum hunter- gatherers. Below, I will briefly discuss the limited data on subsistence strategies identified in the eastern Great Basin and northern Colorado Plateau and how they relate to the different technological complexes present during the Palm- Indian Period. DEFINITION: PALEO- INDIAN PROJECTILE POINTS Paleo- Indian projectile point types, in general, have some distinctive characteristics that make them easily identifiable. They often exhibit technological characteristics that are not found on point types from other time periods, such as basal grinding, channel fluting, and parallel collateral and parallel oblique flaking patterns. Often, Paleo- Indian points are made of high- quality lithic material and exhibit high quality generally larger than later point types ( with the exception of the Folsom point). These point types are sometimes found in association with extinct types of fauna and always lack notches that are considered a latter technological innovation ( Holmer 1986). Paleo- Indian projectile points from Utah and the surrounding areas can be grouped into two major traditions, fluted point and stemmed/ shouldered point. There are only two types of fluted points, Clovis ( Figure 1) and Folsom ( Figure 2). The homogeneity of the morphology of both types throughout western North America is exceptional. In fact, Willig and Aikens ( 1988: 17- 19) note that the morphology of Clovis specimens from the Far West fall within the variability of known Clovis points from the Great Plains and Southwest. However, to distinguish possible adaptational differences between the Far West and the Great Plains and Southwest, Willig and Aikens ( 1988: 3) refer to these points as Westem Clovis. Presumably, Willig and Aikens ( 1988: lO) do not differentiate any variants of Folsom because of the rarity of these points in the Far West. Stemmed/ shouldered Palm- Indian points exhibit much more stylistic variability than fluted points and include numerous named regional variants such as the Western Stemmed ( Figure 3), Agate Basin, Hell Gap ( Figure 4), Scottsbluff, Eden ( Figure S), and a wide variety of other types ( Frison 1978; Frison and Stanford 1982; Wormington 1957). Willig and Aikens ( 1988: 4) use the label Western Stemmed Complex to distinguish stemmed/ shouldered points in the Far West from technologically similar point types from the Great Plains and farther east. Willig and Aikens include a wide variety of named stemmed/ shouldered points in their Western Stemmed Complex, including Lake Mohave, Silver Lake, Parman, Haskett, Lind Coulee, Black Rock Concave Base, and others. Fluted points appear chronologically to precede the stemmed/ shouldered points throughout North America. In most cases, these distinctive Palm- Indian points are temporally and regionally diagnostic. Because these artifacts are so distinctive and such sensitive timemarkers, researchers expend much effort on analyzing the artifacts themselves ( Boldurian 1990; Bradley and Frison 1987; cf. Copeland and Fike 1988; Frison and Bradley 1980; Hutchinson 1988; Warren and Phagan 1988). The function of Paleo- Indian points is identified through ethnographic analogy, archaeological context, and replicative studies. Ethnographic analogy refers to analyzing how a similar item is used by known ethnographic groups. Functional interpretations are strengthened when wear and fracture patterns on ethnographic specimens match those of archaeological specimens. Archaeological context refers to the archaeological associations of the implement. Paleo- Indian points have often been found in the body cavities of extinct fauna leading archaeologists to believe they functioned as projectile points or thrusting spear points. Although Frison ( 1990) notes PALEO- INDIAN OCCUPATION Figure 1. Examples of Clovis points: ( a- b), from the Naco site, Arizona ( Wormington 1957: Figure 15); ( cd), Lehner site, Arizona ( Wormington 1957: Figure 17). Figure 2. Examples of Folsom points: ( a d , Lindenmeier site, Colorado ( Wilmsen and Roberts 1984: Figure 105b, h; Figure 106b, g). UTAH ARCHAEOLOGY 1991 Figure 3. Examples of Western Stemmed points: ( a- b), from the Lake Mohave site, California ( Arnsden 1937: LXb, c); ( c- d), from the Northern Alkali Lake Basin, Oregon ( Willig 1988: Figure 37i, j). Figure 4. Agate Basin and Hell Gap points from the Northwest Plains: ( a- b), Agate Basin points from the Agate Basin site in Wyoming prison and Stanford 1982: Figure 2.56A, a, j); ( c- d), Hell Gap points from the Casper site in Wyoming Prison 1974: Figure 1.35b, d). PALEO- INDIAN OCCUPATION Figure 5. Scottsbluff and Eden points from the Homer I site in Wyoming: ( a- b), ~ cottsbluffp oints on the Homer I site ( Bradley and Frison 1987: Figure 6.7a, b); ( c- d), Eden points from the Homer I site ( Bradley and Frison 1987: Figure 6.10a, d). that replicas of Paleo- Indian tools would have been sufficient for dispatching and butchering modem African elephants, such replicative studies are the weakest means of assessing implement function. While replicative studies define the parameters of possible use and function, they can never prove the function. Given Frison's replication studies, the association of Palm- Indian points with extinct faunal remains, and ethnographic analogy on hunting and spearing techniques, it seems certain that Paleo- Indian projectile points were indeed part of the hunting tool kit these people used to kill game animals. Paleo- Indian points are formidable weapons and could have easily been used to dispatch large game by Paleo- Indian hunters. How often Paleo- Indian people in the Far West actually had opportunities to hunt Late Pleistocene megafauna, is an open issue. DEFINITION: PALEO- INDIAN SUBSISTENCE PATTERNS Archaeologists use several lines of evidence to discover subsistence patterns. The strongest evidence of subsistence practices is human coprolites and plant and animal remains from archaeological sites. Coprolites ( fossil human feces) provide the only direct means of knowing what prehistoric individuals actually ate, but they are exb'emely rare in the archaeological record. It is more likely that plant and animal remains will be recovered from a site, with charring, parching, and grinding taken as direct evidence of plant utilization, and disarticulation, butchering marks, and charred bones interpreted as evidence of animal utilization. When plant and animal remains are not present on a site, other secondary evidence is used to discem subsistence practices. Ethnographic analogy is used UTAH ARCHAEOLOGY 1991 to derive subsistence practices from the tool assemblage and site structure. Replicative studies of implements and implement use also can be used to suggest subsistence patterns, but again, this is weak evidence. The weakest form of evidence for subsistence practices is what can be called geographic propinquity. The location of a site relative to the local distribution of plants and animals is taken as the basis for inferring subsistence practices. It is assumed that prehistoric people will locate themselves as close as possible to the most important plant and animal resources. In general, archaeologists attempt to evaluate and combine all these lines of evidence to form a coherent picture of the procurement, processing, and utilization of plants and animals. In light of this discussion of varying kinds of evidence, what is actually known about Paleo- Indian subsistence practices in the Far West? Very little, in fact. Willig and Aikens ( 1988: 22) note that " Currently, there are no dated subsistence remains from Western Clovis sites" with the possible exception of the Old Humboldt site ( Rusco and Davis 1987). At the Old Humboldt site, a faunal assemblage, including clam and eggshells that may be associated with Paleo- Indian points, was recovered at the site. The fauna also included bison, other large artiodactyls, rabbits, rodents, and reptiles ( Dansie 1987). Elston ( 1982) and Madsen ( 1982) also address Paleo- Indian subsistence patterns in the western and eastern Great Basin, respectively. Neither provides direct evidence of subsistence procedures at that time. Both rely heavily on geographic propinquity to suggest that lacustrine- marsh resources were the primary focus of subsistence prior to about 6000 B. C. Since Paleo- Indian sites have yet to produce any direct subsistence data, it is intuitively compelling to suggest the first people in the Far West, particularly the Great Basin, followed a mixed hunting and gathering lifeway that was similar to the main focus of adaptation for the following prehistoric periods. But this does not explain away big game procurement during the Paleo- Indian Period. First, there must be some functional explanation for the continued manufacture of these large, well- made Paleo- Indian points within the Intermountain West. As noted above, their implied function is to kill large game. Second, the limited tool assemblages that have been recovered from Paleo- Indian sites contain different tool types than are found on later Archaic sites such as scrapers, gravers, crescents, etc. ( Basgall 1988; Fagan 1988; Gramly 1990, Hutchinson 1988), tool types that are often believed to be related to animal processing. And, third, in general, these assemblages lack implements such as hand stones and milling stones indicative of extensive plant processing. The real issue is not whether Paleo- Indian people in the eastern Great Basin and northern Colorado Plateau were big game hunters or hunter- gatherers, but rather to what extent big game contributed to the overall subsistence pattern of local groups during the Paleo- Indian Period. This question, of course, will only be answered when direct evidence of Paleo- Indian subsistence activities is recovered. WESTERN UTAH: PALEO- INDIAN CHRONOLOGY AND SUBSISTENCE The Paleo- Indian date ranges provided by Willig and Aikens ( 1988) are consistent throughout the Far West and are comparable to dates fkom other Paleo- Indian sites in western North America. Thus, these date ranges should be generally applicable to Paleo- Indian finds and sites in the eastern Great Basin. However, most Paleo- Indian researchers continue to report date ranges from the Paleo- Indian Period in terms of radiocarbon years, even though it is well known that carbon fluctuations in the atmosphere cause the chronology to expand or contract during certain time spans. For example, 100 radiocarbon years during one span of time in the prehistoric past may be shorter or longer than another 100 radiocarbon- year span in a different part of the sequence. Recent advances in Paleoclimatic research ( Stuiver et al. 1991) now allow radiocarbon dates between 8,100 and 11,000 radiocarbon years to be calibrated to the Gregorian calendar. These calibrations are based on varve years ( varve counting) and croyears ( annual ice layering). By matching varve years, croyears, and dendroyears, it is possible to derive a calibrated A. D./ B. c. Greg~ rian calendar date for radiocarbon dates almost back to the beginning of the Paleo- Indian Period. All chronological data presented in this paper has been calibrated to the Gregorian calendar using the data in Stuiver et al. ( 1991). One important outcome of calibrating the Paleo- Indian radiocarbon dates is that PALEO- INDIAN OCCUPATION the time span of Clovis occupation in the Far West, as well as the rest of North America, is significantly lengthened. The fact that the Clovis Complex existed longer than previously believed has important implications for any arguments that are based on relative time spans ( cf. Martin 1973). According to Willig and Aikens ( 1988), the Western Clovis Complex has a calibrated date range between 12,250 and 9950 B. C. in the Far West. The Western Stemmed Complex appears to date from about 10,300 B. C. to about 6400 B. C. with a slight overlap between the end of Western Clovis and the beginning of the Western Stemmed Complex. Willig and Aikens interpret this as an indication that the Western Stemmed Complex arose out of the Western Clovis Complex. For the purposes of chronological placement of the Palm- Indian Period, these are appropriate date ranges for the portion of Utah in the eastern Great Basin since they are derived in part from dates from three sites with Palm- Indian projectile points in western Utah. These three sites are Danger Cave, 42Md300, and Hogup Cave. The earliest dated Palm- Indian occupation in western Utah is from Danger Cave ( Jennings 1957). The early occupation of Danger Cave had been suspected since the early 1940s, but it was not until the 1950s that the true time depth of Danger Cave became apparent. Danger Cave was one of the frrst sites in the West to be radiocarbon dated. At first, even Jennings was skeptical of the early dates ( Jesse D. Jennings, personal communication 1976). Because some of these are based on solid carbon, the accuracy of the dates is questionable. However, during the past few years, David Madsen ( personal communication 199 1) re- excavated a portion of Danger Cave. Based on a series of 5+ radiocarbon dates, the lowest levels of cultural material from Danger Cave have a calibrated date of about 9450 B. C. This date is compatible with Jennings's data. Another site, 42Md300 ( Simms and Lindsay 1989), located in the Sevier Desert near Delta, is also directly dated to the Paleo- Indian Period. At this site, an assemblage of stemmed points is apparently associated with an occupation radiocarbon dated to about 8600 B. C. ( calibrated). At Hogup Cave, Aikens ( 1970) recovered a Paleo- Indian point that he identified as a possible Scottsbluff point from Stratum 1. This stratum produced two radiocarbon dates, the earlier of which, is about 7350 B. C ( calibrated). Currently, these are the only radiocarbon dated Paleo- Indian components in the state of Utah. All the other Paleo- Indian finds in western Utah are dated by cross reference to radiometrically dated sites noted by Willig and Aikens. As discussed above, virtually nothing concrete is known about the subsistence strategies of Palm- Indian people of the region. Arguments about subsistence strategies are based on either ethnographic analogy or geographic propinquity. Willig and Aikens ( 1988: 27) and others ( Elston 1982; Madsen 1982) note that most of the Palm- Indian sites are located along shrinking pluvial lake margins or stream channels feeding these lakes. The absence of kill sites in these areas has led these researchers to assume an Archaic subsistence pattern for occupants at these sites. The few Palm- Indian sites and finds in the Great Basin portion of western Utah fit this pattern of geographic distribution. Subsistence data from the earliest components at the three dated Paleo- Indian sites in western Utah, Danger Cave, Hogup Cave, and 42Md300, are limited but do seem to support the notion of Archaic or mixed hunting and gathering lifeway in a lakeside- marsh setting. EASTERN UTAH: PALEO- INDIAN CHRONOLOGY AND SUBSISTENCE As discussed above, a number of Palm- Indian finds and several Palm- Indian sites are located on the northern Colorado Plateau. However, Willig and Aikens failed to incorporate any of these sites or finds into their discussion. Nonetheless, by including the Colorado Plateau in their definition of the Far West, they have tacitly applied their dating scheme and cultural sequence to the region. But is Willig and Aikens's chronology suitable for the Colorado Plateau? Even at the most superficial level, the existing Paleo- Indian data indicates some differences between projectile point types in the eastern Great Basin and the Colorado Plateau. F i t , within the boundary of Utah, Clovis points are far more common on the Colorado Plateau, particularly near the confluence of the Green and Colorado rivers, than in the eastern Great Basin. Second, although a few scattered Western Stemmed points exist on the Colorado Plateau ( Black and Metcalf 1986: Figure 13), the Western Stemmed Complex is far more common in the eastern Great Basin as demonstrated by the surface collections of 8 UTAH ARCHAEOLOGY 1991 Keller and Hunt ( 1967) and the assemblage from site 42Md300 ( Simrns and Isgreen 1984; Simms and Lindsay 1989). Another difference between the eastern Great Basin and the Colorado Plateau is that Folsom points are relatively rare in the eastern Great Basin ( Copeland and Fike 1988: Figure 1; Willig and Aikens 1988: lO) compared to the Colorado Plateau. Given their distinctive form, it is doubtful that Folsom points are more common in the Great Basin but have not been recognized or identified. Fourth, Paleo- Indian points of the Plano Tradition appear to be lacking ( except for the possible Scottsbluff point from Hogup Cave) in the eastern Great Basin. Although rare, they have been identified on the Colorado Plateau. Hunt ( 1953) identifies a possible Angostura point from the Beaver Creek area in the La Sal Mountains. Copeland and Webster ( 1983: Figure 19) report on one Hell Gap and two Scottsbluff fragments from the Old Woman Plateau and Trough Hollow area near Emery, Utah. Black et al. ( 1981) report on two James Allen- like points from Lisbon Valley in southeastern Utah. Additionally, they illustrate two projectile points with collateral flaking that they identify as Humboldt Concave Base points. Tipps ( 1988: Figure 24) depicts a base of a stemmed Paleo- Indian point from the San Rafael area. Black and Metcalf ( 1986: Figure 13) report on a Lovell Constricted point and three Plano Tradition midsections from central Utah. The date ranges of some of these types postdate 7800 B. c., the date at which Archaic assemblages appear in the archaeological record on the northern Colorado Plateau ( see below). The implication of the projectile point data is that the Paleo- Indian occupation of the eastern Great Basin in western Utah and the Paleo- Indian occupation on the Colorado Plateau in eastern Utah assumed different forms as early as 10,000 B. C. While fluted Clovis points gave way to Western Stemmed Complex points in the Great Basin area, the projectile point sequence on the Colorado Plateau more closely parallels that of the Greater Southwest and the High Plains. In these areas, Clovis is shortly followed by Folsom and, later, by a variety of lanceolate stemmed/ shouldered Plano Tradition points, some of which may be contemporaneous with Archaic occupation in the area. Thus, while Willig and Aikens ( 1988) see the Western Stemmed Complex lasting until about 6400 B. C. in the Great Basin, this stemmed point tradition on the Colorado Plateau is limited to a few isolated finds. This suggests that there are chronological and technological differences during the Paleo- Indian Period between the Colorado Plateau and the Great Basin in Utah. While the Paleo- Indian Period continued on the Northwest Plains ( cf. Frison 1978) as evidenced by a wide variety of Plano complexes, full- scale Archaic occupation had developed on the northern Colorado Plateau even though some late dating Plano points are found. By about 7800 B. c., Archaic complexes, primarily represented by notched points and milling stones, are well represented in the area ( Ambler 1984; Jennings 1980; Lindsay et al. 1968). Thus, while Plano Tradition technologies were still evolving on the High Plains, populations on the northern Colorado Plateau had already shifted to Early Archaic chipped stone and groundstone tool assemblages. None of the Paleo- Indian finds or sites on the northern Colorado have provided direct evidence of subsistence patterns. Ethnographic analogy and geographic propinquity are the only means of assessing Palm- Indian subsistence strategies on the northern Colorado Plateau. While the few Paleo- Indian sites and finds in western Utah fit the pattern of lakeside adaption, this is not the case with Paleo- Indian sites and finds on the northern Colorado Plateau. Given the absence of playa lakes on the northern Colorado Plateau, such a lacustrine subsistence strategy is impossible. This may explain why Western Stemmed Complex sites, which seem to be associated with lake margin adaptation, are not found on the northern Colorado Plateau. Data presented by Copeland and Fike ( 1988) may shed some light on possible subsistence strategies for the early portion of the Palm- Indian Period on the Colorado Plateau. Copeland and Fike ( 1988) present a table of environmental characteristics for the sites and locations from which fluted points were recovered. Analysis of the elevation of these sites and locations shows that Clovis sites have an average elevation of about 5,740 ft while the Folsom locales have an average elevation of about 5,410 ft. Given that almost 40 locales are represented, it is obvious that early Paleo- Indian utilization of the Colorado Plateau was in the lower elevations, usually below 5,900 ft, and that during this time, few forays were made to the higher elevations that are common on the plateau. In fact, probably less than 40% of the PALEO- INDIAN OCCUPATION 9 surface area of the northern Colorado Plateau has an elevation of less than 6,000 ft ( see Lindsay 1986: Figure 3), yet the fluted points are concentrated in these low areas near major water courses. The concentration of fluted points on the Colorado Plateau, particularly around the confluences of the Green and Colorado rivers, closely parallels the distribution of Pleistocene megafauna that have been recorded in the area ( Figure 6) ( Agenbroad 1991; Agenbroad and Mead 1987; Madsen et al. 1976). There are numerous finds on the northern Colorado Plateau, particularly in the Canyonlands area, of dung deposits, hair, and bone fragments from Pleistocene fauna. Species represented include mammoth, mylodont sloth, Shasta ground sloth, horse, bison, and present day fauna such as bighorn sheep, deer, and bear ( Agenbroad 1991). Pack rat data, alluvial stratigraphy, and molluscan data from Upper Salt Creek in the Needles District of Canyonlands National Park ( Agenbroad 1991) have demonstrated the presence of lush environments at the end of the Pleistocene within the local canyons. In addition, paleoenvironmental data on the Pleistocene/ Holocene boundary from elsewhere in the region ( Agenbroad and Elder 1987; Agenbroad and Mead 1989; Agenbroad et al. 1989; Madsen 1989; Mead 1987; Mead and Agenbroad 1986) indicate that the Late Pleistocene- Early Holocene environment was a time of dramatic change. Larry D. Agenbroad ( personal communication 1990) notes that the local environments in the dissected Canyonlands area were quite complex but the canyon environment would have been ideal for megafauna. These canyons were well watered and the numerous caves and overhangs would have provided shelter. The Late Pleistocene alluvium would have supported rich and diverse vegetation. Relative to the Great Basin, the Colorado Plateau appears to have been able to support larger big game populations. Although geographic propinquity is weak evidence, to me it is more than coincidence that the spatial distribution of Pleistocene megafauna coincides with the distribution of fluted points in this area of the Colorado Plateau. Although no unequivocal finds of Pleistocene fauna associated with Palm- Indian artifacts have been discovered on the northern Colorado Plateau, big game hunting was probably an important part of the Palm- Indian subsistence pattern in this area, even if it was not an important part of the subsistence strategy in the eastern Great Basin. Contrary to Willig and Aikens ( 1988), I believe that Paleo- Indian occupation on the Colorado Plateau has greater affinities to Paleo- Indian occupation on the Northern Plains ( Frison 1978) and the Rocky Mountains ( Stanford and Day 1991) than to the Great Basin. Ultimately, it was probably environmental changes that brought about the transition in complexes, technologies, and subsistence patterns on the northern Colorado Plateau. Drying climatic conditions at the beginning of the Holocene may have forced megafauna and people to concentrate around and near water sources. As the overall climate changed, it is possible that megafauna, followed by Paleo- Indian hunters, migrated to refugia at higher elevations. This might explain the presence of a mammoth near Huntington, Utah, at about 9,000 ft with a calibrated date of about 8450 B. C. ( Madsen 1989). Intriguing support for this scenario is the fact that several of the late dating, Plano Tradition Paleo- Indii points from the Colorado Plateau are from relatively high elevations. The Angostura point reported by Hunt ( 1953) was found at an elevation of 10,500 ft. The Hell Gap and the two Scottsbluff points reported by Copeland and Webster ( 1983) were all found at elevations above 8,000 ft. The Lisbon Valley study area, which produced two James Allen-like point fragments, ranges in elevation from 6,000 to 7,200 ft. Following from this scenario of Palm- Indian occupation on the Colorado Plateau is the possibility the Archaic occupation in the area evolved within the confines of the rugged and narrow canyons of the Canyonlands section rather than upland or highland environments of the region. Some of the earliest Archaic sites on the Colorado Plateau, Sand Dune Cave and Dust Devil Cave ( Lindsay et al. 1968) and Walters Cave and Cowboy Cave ( Jennings 1980), are found below 6,000 ft within the local canyon environments. DISCUSSION The chronological framework that Willig and Aikens propose for the Palm- Indian Period in the Great Basin area is too simplistic to be applicable to the northern Colorado Plateau. It is more likely that several different technological complexes existed 10 UTAH ARCHAEOLOGY 1991 Figure 6. Geographic distribution of fluted points and mammoth and bison remains in Utah. See Note 1 for references. PALEO- INDIAN OCCUPATION 11 concurrently in Utah during the Paleo- Indian Period in response to local environmental settings. These local settings conditioned the kind of subsistence patterns and technological complexes we recognize today. In western Utah, Western Clovis and Western Stemmed complexes are present and probably fall into the 12,2506400 B. C. time span proposed by Willig and Aikens ( 1988). Limited evidence suggests that the subsistence pattern of these Paleo- Indian people was primarily focused on lacustrine resources available near freshwater sources such as marshes or pluvial lake margins. A Clovis Complex is also present on the Colorado Plateau. In addition, Folsom points, generally lacking in the Great Basin, represent a later Paleo- Indian complex in the area The Westem Stemmed Complex is minimally represented on the northern Colorado Plateau while stemmed/ shouldered points similar to Late Paleo- Indian points on the Northern Plains have been noted. The abundant evidence of Pleistocene megafauna in the same environmental settings as the fluted points suggests a subsistence strategy that involved big game. Paleo- Indian complexes on the Utah portion of the Colorado Plateau probably begin as early as 12,250 B. C. and limited finds of Plano Tradition points suggest they continued until to at least 7800 B. C. Speculating from limited evidence, I hypothesize that Paleo- Indian subsistence patterns may have continued in the higher elevations of the northern Colorado Plateau while an Archaic lifeway and associated assemblages were evolving in the lowland canyon environments on the central Colorado Plateau. One general observation needs to be made about Paleo- Indian occupation in the eastern Great Basin and the northern Colorado Plateau. Paleo- Indian occupation in these areas probably spanned more than 4,000 years of human prehistory. This represents almost 25% of the prehistoric period in Utah. Yet, the number of sites and artifacts from this time period are minuscule relative to the data from 8,000+ years of prehistoric occupation that followed the Paleo- Indian Period. While researchers have tended to emphasize the changing environmental conditions coupled with technological changes during this time, there must have been a high degree of cultural and demographic stability, otherwise we would expect to see more variability in this 4,000- year period than is evident. What intrigued me in 1976 ( Schroedl 1976), and continues to intrigue me, is how local populations with Archaic tool kits seem to burgeon on the archaeological landscape on the Colorado Plateau between 7500 and 7000 B. C. The transition from Paleo- Indian to Archaic is still an important research issue. I also offer recommendations for future research on the Paleo- Indian period in Utah. First, researchers should take a broader view in the analysis of artifacts from Paleo- Indian sites and attempt to identify Paleo- Indii assemblages rather than diagnostic Paleo- Indian projectile points ( cf. Davis 1989). Only by understanding the entire Paleo- Indian tool assemblage will we be able to identify Paleo- Indian sites that do not have diagnostic points associated with them. Second, more effort should be expended in the analysis of the environmental characteristics associated with isolated finds and sites of the Paleo- Indian Period. It is obvious that environmental shifts at the Late Pleistocene/ Holocene boundary are complex. Analysis of these past environmental characteristics in relation to Paleo- Indian sites and surface finds could strengthen geographic propinquity arguments about the Paleo- Indian lifeway within the eastern Great Basin and the northern Colorado Plateau. Third, we need to continue to re- examine old data in light of new theories and techniques. I would urge that the Silverhorn site tested by Gunnerson in 1956 ( Gunnerson 1956) be re- evaluated. Also, the artifact collection from the site should be re- analyzed in light of our current understanding of Palm- Indian lithic technology. A thorough tabulation of Plano Tradition and other Late Paleo- Indian projectile points from the northern Colorado Plateau is in order. The listing of nonfluted Paleo- Indian points from the northern Colorado Plateau provided above is not complete and more information on Late Paleo- Indian points may support or refute my hypothesis of subsistence patterns on the Colorado Plateau during this time span. Finally, I want to note that it is in the area of Paleo- Indian research that avocational archaeologists have an opportunity to make important contributions ( see as an example, Kohl in this volume). Presently, there are only six known sites in Utah that have Paleo- Indian components or Paleo- Indian assemblages ( Table 1). Because of the distinctive nature of the Paleo- Indian assemblages, including the Paleo- Indian 12 UTAH ARCHAEOLOGY 1991 Table 1. Sites with Paleo- Indian assemblages in Utah. Site Reference Danger Cave Jennings 1957 Hogup Cave Aikens 1970 42Md300 Simrns and Lindsay 1989 Lime Ridge site Davis 1989 Montgomery site' Davis 1985 Silverhorn site2 Gunnerson 1956 ' No final report has appeared on this site yet. when tested in 1956, it did not produce any diagnostic tools, although an assemblage was present. projectile points and the obvious nature of fossil remains of Pleistocene fauna, avocational archaeologists can identify these sites as easily as professional archaeologists. As rare as these sites are, any new Paleo- Indian site is significant. In fact, most of the major Palm- Indian sites reported in the past 50 years have been discovered by amateurs, land owners, or cowboys. If you do find one of these sites, it is important that it remain undisturbed and that appropriate state and federal agencies be notified of such a find. In return for not disturbing the site, you will become famous in Archaeology. It is archaeological tradition that a Paleo- Indian site is named after the original discoverer. More importantly, the discoverer could make a lasting and unique contribution to our knowledge about the past. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Portions of this research were funded under the National Park Service Contract CX- 1200- 4- A063. I thank Adrienne B. Anderson, Betsy L. Tipps, and David B. Madsen who provided unpublished information to me. I also thank Ms. Tipps, Nancy J. Coulam, David W. Zeanah, and several UTAH ARCHAEOLOGY reviewers who provided comments and suggestions on initial drafts of this paper, Lisa M. Jarrow who prepared the illustrations, and Michelle A. Sanders who typed and proofed various versions of the manuscript. NOTE 1. This figure is derived from Copeland and Fike ( 1988: Figure I), Agenbroad ( 1991: Figure 32), and Madsen et al. ( 1976: Figure 9). The boundary of the Colorado Plateau is derived from Hunt ( 1974: Figure 15.1). Mammoth and bison locations are noted only for the Colorado Plateau, while only mammoth are identified for the rest of the state. Three Clovis point fragments noted on the maps were not included in Copeland and Fike ( 1988), No. 1 ( Larsen 1990), No. 2 ( Tipps 1992), and No. 3 ( Adrienne B. Anderson, personal communication 1990). The correct bibliographic citation for the Clovis point from site 42Ga3049 ( Copeland and Fike 1988: Table 1, No. 4) and the Folsom point from site 4 2 0 3 4 ( Copeland and Fike 1988: Table 1, No. 24) is Geib et al. ( 1986: 224). REFERENCES CITED Agenbroad, Larry D. 1991 Summary and Conclusions. In Quaternq Studies of Canyonlands National Park and Glen Canyon National Recreation Area, by Larry D. Agenbroad, pp. 88- 92. rev. ed. Department of Geology, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff. Submitted to National Park Service, Rocky Mountain Regional Office, Denver. Agenbroad, Larry D., and Diana Elder 1987 Salt Creek Drainage: Canyonlands National Park. 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