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Show 202 question, because its power over the commerce between the states, is a power to 1·egnlate only, not to destroy. It is matter of surprise that the very obvious fallacy of this plea, should not have been perceived by the experienced statesman who urged it. Who can fail to remark that in the article of the constitution, which applies to the subject, the word "commerce'' is used in a wide and general sense ? And who does not Jmow that in the due regulation of commerce, in this comprehensive meaning, the prohibition of a trade in particular articles, is frequently involved? The celebrated tn.riff of North America was, I presume, intended at least to impede the introduction of certain articles of British manufacture, into this country; and every one knows that duties are sometimes laid on importation, so heavy as to amount to an absolute prohibition. Thus, in the "regulation" of the commerce of the United States with foreign nations, a traflic in particular articles may be legitimately annihilated, for the purpose of serving some larger or higher interest, for the national benefit. The same principle obviously applies to the commerce amongst the states. If a free traflic in some particular article, among sonw of the states, is injurious to the nation at large,-if it is at variance with great principles, on which the national prosperity depends-if it is illegitimate in its very nature,-the prohibition of such an unhealthy branch of trade, must surely form a just and proper part of that " regulation" of commerce among the several states, which is committed to the care and authority of Congress. " The subject now before me I feel to be one of most affecting and serious import. In the character of an ardent friend to every class of society in this country, and a hearty lover of her noble constitution, I am constrained to speak in plain terms upon this vital topic. With diffidence, yet with firmness, I must venture to express my own conviction, that the internal slave-trade of this country, though differing in circumstances from the African slave trade, is the same with it in principle ; that it is utterly unlawful and spurious, and opposed to the 203 very nature of a health co . . . escutcheon of this ( y mmcrce ' that It IS a blot on the roc and mLO'hty n t" . h . the nations of the ·th . 0 a LOn, m t c stght of all . caJ ' that so far fro . pertly of the states which . . . . . m promotmg the pros-brandy to a man <t I fpr,<cllce tl, llls to them, like doses of "ceo a fever-a d" . sound application of tl . mere t versLOn from that letr resources undo th b dom, which can al ' r e anner of free- ' ' one restore the pros .·1 f . has deprived them. and pen Y o wh1ch slavery the high, yet simp!~ 'd ; finfalcly, that for all these reasons, it is ' U yo Oll"rCSS as the tl . d lator of C011"1111!erce to eJ<t" . h . ' au tonse regu-traffic. ' mgULs wJthout delay, this nefarious " Whenever the happy day arrives , h ment shall be induced to pay tl . d" en the federal govern-and humanity, such a procccdin lls ebt to the cause of justice followed by the abolition of slav~;~n;cru~~\ frul to be quickly Union, in which the slaves arc b ' . a t lOSe. states of the The old outlet for them will :~o:nge~o~;;rutJvelyuseless. tina! decree, tlutt thev shall be free an~p t {be d, to tssue the provide for thcm~clv~s, as may bes; ;uit ~le~ :~;1 t~:r;~:red :0 be the only prachcablc remedy for the in ' . n ° . f convemences and mise 1es o the present state of things." r- |