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Show APPENDiX C. EXTRACTS FROi\1 A PAMPHLET ENTITLED "FREE AND FRIENDLY REMARKS, ON A SPEECH LATELY DELIVERED TO THE SENATE OF TilE UNITED STATES, BY HENRY CLAY, OF KENTUCKY, ON '1'1-IE SUBJECT OF THE ABOLie '!'ION 01'' NOR'fll AMERICAN SLAVERY." The following remarks (extracted from the above mentioned pamphlet,) will, I trust, be sufficient to show, that the two principal measures called for at the hands of the Federal Government, in the cause of Emancipation, are in perfect consistency both with the rules of justice and equity, and with the articles of the Constitution. "If this is a correct view of the subject, (and it is the view of a calm bystander, who earnestly craves the welfare of all the parties concerned,) the question immediately arises, What is the first step which the federal government of the United States may best adopt, in order to this grand end? To me it appears that the first step ought to be th~ abolition of slavery ·in the District of Columbia. I am aware that the Senate hns already passed a resolution against this measure, and that the very petitions of the people, in furtherance of it, are excluded, by a provision which Henry Clay himself allows to be unconstitutional, from the consideration of the legislature. I lament that Congress has thus, for the present, debarred itself from that free discussion of the subject, which would lead to a development of the merits of the case. But I venture to believe that the more the point is considered by individual enquirers, the more general will the conviction become, first, that this 197 measure is fair; and secondly, that it is desirable and even necessa1·y. "On a reference to Sec. viii. Art. 17, of the Constitution of the Umted States, I find it st~ted th•t "C 1 II h . • u oogrosssra an the power to exerctse exclusive legislation, in all cases wlwtso-ever, over such district, (not exceeding ten miles square,) as may, by cesswn of particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States." " The words of this provision are obviously strono- and comprehcn, tve._ . I think it probable that the peculiar su~ect, either of the abo'ttiOtl or non-abo! ition of slavery, may not have been contemplated, when the article was formed; but if either of these tlungo wa:' in view with the framers of the article, one must conclude lrom the words "in all cases whatsoever," that there was a design to include, ruther than e:cclude, the abolitwn of slavery. Had there been entertained any secret reserve on this particular point, it is scarcely to be believed that expresswns would have been adopted, so full, so expl icit, so completely applicable to this, as to any othe; change, which Congr~ ssmight deem advisable, in the internal regulation of the Dtstnct to be ceded. I p~rfectly agree, however, with Henry Clay, m the opmwn, that the tme and simple intent of this article was, togi~e to Congress full power to effect any regulatwns m the Dtstnct, wh1ch would render it suitable as the seat of government of ~lte people of tlw United States-that great, free, and happy natton, which I trust is yet destined to alford the world an example of the blessed union of publio prosperity with pub! ic virtue. "No sooner was the District of Columbia placed under the sole legislati vc control of the federal union, than Congress, and through Congress, the nation at large, became morally responstble for the consistency of the laws and customs of that District, with the principles of j11stice and mercy. It is astonishing that the enlightened statesman with whom I am venttiring to argue, should confine his view of this subject, to the 17* |
