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Show Hingkley Journal of Politics 2006 tion of Western dominance. Women throughout the culture became responsible for this "tangible marker of separateness and independence" (Hirschmann, 2003). Reveiling did not just become part of the fundamentalist movement toward traditionalism, it also emerged in a new feminist movement. In the mid-1970's Egyptian college Women initiated a reveiling movement (Guindi, 2005). Many of those who became involved in this movement were well educated and considered themselves equal to their male counterparts. As a result, veiling was redefined as a movement about "liberation from imposed, imported identities, con-sumerist behaviors, and an increasingly materialist culture," as Well as assisting Muslims in "establishing an Islamic identity and morality . . . asserting Islamic nationalism, engaging in Participatory politics, and resisting local authoritarian regime, colonial occupation and Western dominance" (Guindi). As evidenced by this brief history, Western feminist discourses from very early on in history have viewed the veil as a symbol and a tool of patriarchal oppression. There was, and continues to be, a strong belief that Eastern women are operating within an oppressive patriarchal society where they have taken upon themselves the responsibility (largely due to socialization) to act as the physical symbols of Islamic fundamentalism. This is a role Western feminists consider unfair and indicative of greater inequality within Islamic cultures. While Western feminists acknowledge the hypocrisy in colonial feminist calls for unveiling, they continue to advocate that whether by force (usually through the implementation of laws) or through education, unveiling must occur. Conversely, Eastern feminists, since the late 1960's, have contended that the real roots of oppression lay in the "cultur-aUy imperialist attitudes" Westerners hold about Islamic beliefs. These feminists often acknowledge that there was °Ppression involved in earlier forms of veiling but view the new" veil as a symbol of freedom and cultural pride, a symbol that Eastern women have actively participated in construct-lri8- They argue any feminist who advocates unveiling, advocates Western feminist imperialism and cultural hegemony. ^ Centrist Perspective ^¦s previously noted, the Centrist feminist perspective is best articulated through the work of Nancy Hirschmann, although traces of it appear in the work of feminist authors from both extrernes of this debate. The remainder of this paper will famine this perspective in detail. In order to concretely examine the Centrist approach, it ls important to highlight several concessions made by this Perspective regarding arguments articulated by Eastern and Western feminists in this debate. Concessions: Western feminist perspectives on veiling hinge on assump-tl°ns about the socialization involved in cultural practices. It ¦f often asserted that it is irrelevant whether there is vocalized "^pleasure regarding veiling practices, because many of the women have been so "coerced or brainwashed" they no longer understand the oppressive nature of their present condition (Hirschmann, 2003). Susan Okin, a Western feminist, articulates this point when she states, "What if the 'acquiescence' by some in cultural practices stems from lack of power, or socialization into inferior roles ... such is often the case, I submit, within cultures or religions whose female members are devalued and imbibe their sense of inferiority virtually from birth" (Okin, 1998). Feminist Amartya K. Sen echoes this concern when he states, "There is much evidence in history that acute inequalities often survive precisely by making allies out of the deprived" (Sen, 1990). The majority of Muslim women participate in veiling voluntarily, a fact that initially ran contrary to many Western feminists' assumptions. Because of this, Western feminists have spent the greater part of their analysis examining the "oppressive socialization" of these women, perhaps even more so than male participation in, or encouragement of, the practice. The Social Construction of Choice For Western feminists it is worth examining the social construction of choice, why particular choices are made over others, and to what extent choices can be deemed autonomous if they are made within certain social constructs. Western feminists regard analysis of the motivation behind choice as an extremely crucial pursuit, one that they feel leads to greater understanding about the ways in which decisions are framed within social parameters that are largely constructed by men, to the exclusion of women. Socialization is usually mentioned only briefly in Eastern feminist writings on veiling practices and is often written off almost completely. It is frequently cited as an example of one of the ways in which Western feminists attempt to explain away Eastern women's autonomy. Eastern feminist discourses on veiling place little or no importance on socialization, often noting that if it is an issue, it is an issue in all cultures and therefore unavoidable (Hirschmann, 1997). Further, Eastern feminists generally view the practices that Western feminists associate with socialization as religious practices that are essential to the Islamic way of life. Therefore, for many Eastern feminists it is not socialization, it is the appropriate practice of religious tradition. For Centrists, this tendency of Eastern feminists is a dangerous one. Socialization is not an assertion made by Western feminists regarding Eastern cultures alone; it is concern for the majority of feminists, across culture and tradition. The Centrist perspective acknowledges socialization, and at its core requires an examination of it. This perspective does not go as far as many Western feminists who discuss voluntary veiling practices as solely a product of "feminine false consciousness"; finding assertions that it is an autonomous choice unthinkable (Moruzzi, 1994). However, it certainly does not go as far as many Eastern feminists who write off this possibility completely. Rather, the Centrist perspective calls for a willingness to examine the possible role of socialization in all 39 |
