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Show Filibustering the Filibuster: A Reexamination of the Legislative Role in Establishing A Fair Judiciary Adam Reiser our federal judiciary, constituting a clear and present danger to the uniquely American foundation of our tripartite democracy- an independent judiciary" (Carlton, 2003, p. 8). Likewise, Senior Clinton Justice Department official Walter Dellinger concluded that the confirmation system is "badly broken" (Dellinger 2003, p. 23). If these comments reflect reality, is it not time to reeval-uate the judicial confirmation process? Requiring 60 votes for judicial confirmations will foster a greater level of compromise that benefits all branches of government, but most particularly in reviving the constitutional mandate that the president nominate judges with the advice and consent of the Senate. As the filibuster battles of 2005 displayed, leaving judicial confirmations to simple majority vote leaves too many doors open for the filibuster to be used where it should not be. Additionally, the rigorous requirements of amending the Constitution regarding a 60-vote confirmation standard would bring this important issue into the public view, so that citizens can learn the best approach to such a critical process. It is imperative the Senate take steps toward restoring integrity to the filibuster and fixing the judicial confirmation process. Requiring 60 votes for judicial confirmations would allow the filibuster to remain as a tool for extending debate on legislation while removing it as a tool for holding judicial nominees hostage. It would also more properly balance the power of each branch of government regarding judicial appointments. Most importantly, a 60-vote standard would help decrease partisanship in the judiciary, and maintain it as a branch of government that represents the justice to which all Americans are entitled. References American Bar Association. (1997). 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Our broken judicial confirmation system and the need for reform. Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy, 27, 182' 230. Dellinger, W (2003, Feb. 25). Broaden the slate. Washington Post, p-A23. Denzau, A. T, and Munger, M. (1986). Legislators and interest groups: How unorganized interests get represented. American Political Science Review, 80, 89-106. De Tocqueville, A. (1831). Democracy in America. Retrieved Nov. 15, 2005 from http://www.xroads.virginia.edu Epstein, L. and Segal, J. (2005). Advice and consent: The politics of judicial appointments. New York: Oxford University Press. Feinstein, D. (1999). Congressional Record, Oct. 4, 1999. Retrieved March 15, 2006 from http://thomas.loc.gov/home/rl06query.html Fisher, L. (1981). The politics of shared power: Congress and the executive-Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Press. Frist, W. (2005). Congressional Record, May 25, 2005. Retrieved Sept. 1, 2005 fromhttp:/'Ithomas.loc.gov/home/rl09query.html Gomez, J. (2004, Apr. 30). 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