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Show 98 NOTES ON fancy for the name of freedom, forgetting that n:~.mcs a.re not always things, and that calling a. man a freeman, will not make him one. "] fo is the freeman whom the truth makes free, And nil ure si:l.,·cs bcsiJc." "'J'hc scnsu:1l and the d:ll'k rebel in ' 'rtin :Sia, vcs Ly tl1cir own compulsion, in mad game 'L'hey burst their manacles, to wcnr the name Cowl' En. Of freedom, graven on a hcn,vicr chain." Co1.ERWOE. Strange that men should be so fascinated with a name ! ~.JJtey should read the motto on my title page, and, indeed, the whole satire from which it is taken, and which contains more good sense on this subject than all the Abolition speeches and writings I have ever f<Lllcn in with ;-and they arc not few. (sec Appendix, N.) But to come to the subject in hand. If the negroes of the South are to be emancipated on tlte soil, (which is what the Abolitionists arc seeking,) one of two things must follow :-either they must remain in the condit.ion of the free negroes, (sec Appc,Hiix, M,) north and south, scattered a bout among the ·white population, :md in competition with them for their tlaily brcn.t.l, or tltcy must become, us in Hayti and Jamaica, lords of the soi l, to tho dispossession of the present owners. Let us consider the first altcrnativc,-tltat of unrestricted competition of labor for daily bread. How is the negro to "hoc his row'' with the AngloSaxon, or tlJC Celt? \Yo have seen, in the preceding Note, how the .. --tnglo-Saxon hoes his row with his brother AngloSaxon, :lll(l the Celt, with his brother Celt, and each with tho other; and a hard hoeing they have of it,-and a short row, when it is hoed; but the negro would hn.Ye a harder and a shorter: he cannot do more than one-third, or, at th& outside, one-half, as much work as the Yal1kcc, or the Irish, UNCLE TOM'S CABIN. man, and under the system of c~mpetitiou he would soon, therefore, have to give place to his betters. As it is, he Jws a monopoly of labor, and is certain, therefore, of a comfortable support; positively comrortablc, in most cases; comparatively so, in all; comparati\'oly, I mean, with tho laboring poor of England. It may bo thoug1Jt that the climate will protect the negro from competition; but this is a mistake: the tobacco ana grain-growing region of the South, containing onc-thinl of the entire colored population, i:-; as inhabitable for the white laborer us the Llu.ck; the whole colored population, therefore, would be crowded into the cotton-growing States; and even here, they would be wanted only as plantation kmds; the in-door work could be done as well, and much more economically, by tho whites. One-half the negroes would thus bo thrown out or employment, and the wages of the other ha.lf bronght down to ruinous rates. 'Jlhen woul1l be re-enaoted here, that scene so familiar to England and IrelanJ,-a universn.l scramble for n. bare subsistence: those i1; employment would work harder and fare worse than they do now as slaves; and those out of it, betaking thcmsehres to the swamps, (sec Note 10,) would Ii,·e on tho spontaneous productions of the enrth, and by plunder, till the whites, driven to it by a ktrd necessity, should tum out en masse and exterminate them. And is this what the Abolitionists nrc seeking to bring on their colored brethren ? ]_lroba.bly not. There is another alternative-that of their becoming lords of the soi l to the dispossession of the present owners. And what would be the consequences of such a change? It would not, I think, be h:uJ to conjecture them: but with the Abolitionists, our conjectures would go ror nothing. Luckily ,.,..e have something more tangiLic nnd trustworthy. The experiment has Lccn tricd,-tricJ more than once,- |