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Show 28 gnve thnt snperinrity in reason, in imagery, in eloqncnce, which malu:s in all countries twti-s\;Jvcry nlcdillt-'"S so nttrnc~ tivc to the people, and has made it a proverb i11 1\'lassachusetts, that, "eloquence is Jog-cheap at the anti-slavery chapel'" I will soy further, that we are indebted mainly to this movement, and to the continuers of it, for the popular discussion of every point of praetical ethics, and a reference of every question to the nbsolute standard. It is notorious, that the political , religious, and social schemes, with which the minds of men are now most occupied, have Ueen matured, or at least Uroached, in the free and daring discussions of these assemblies. :Men have become aware through the emancipation, and kindred events, of the presence or powers, which, in their days of darkness, they had overlool<ed. Virtuous men will not again rely on political agents. They have found out the deleterious effect of political association. Up to this day, we have allowed to statesmen a paramount social standing, and we bow low to them as to the great. We cannot extend this deference to them any longer. The secret cannot be kept, that the seats of power arc filled by underlings, ignorant, timid, and selfish, to a degree to destroy all claim, excepting that on compassion, to the society of the just and generous. What happened notoriously to an American ambassador in England, that he found himself compelled to palter, and to disguise the fact that he was a slavebreeder, happens to men of stale. Their vocation is a presumption against them, among well-meaning people. The superstition respecting power and office, is going to the ground. The stream of human affairs flows its own way, and is very little aflccted by the activity of legislators. \Vhat great masses of men wish done, will Uc done; and they do not wish it for n freak, uut because it is their state and natural end. There are now other energies than 29 force, other than roliticnl, wllieh no man in future can allow IJilnsl'lf to disregard. There i::.; direct convcrsntion and influence. A man is to make hirn>clf felt, by his rr.npcr .force. The tendency of things runs steadily to tillS fHHnt, namely, to put every man on l1is merits, and to give him so much power as he unturally exerts- no more, no less. Of course, the timid and unse persons, all who arc conscious of no worth in themselves, and who owe all their place to the opportunities which the old order of things allowed them to deceive and defraud men, shudder at the change; and would fain silcJJCC every honest voice, nnd lock up CYery house where liberty and innovation can be pleaded for. Tl,cy would raise mobs, for fear is very cruel. But the strong and \,calthy yeomen and husbands of the land, the self-sustaining class of inventive and industrious men, fear no competition or superiority. Corne what will, their faculty cannot be spared. Tl1c First of August marks the entrance of a new element into modern politics, IJamely, the civilization of the negro. A nmn is added to the human family. Not t\ 1e least affecting part of this history of abolition, is, the annihilation of the old indecent nonsense nbout the nnture of the negro. In the ease of the ship Zong, in 1781, whose master had thrown one hundred and thirty-two slaves alive into the sea, to cheat the underwriters, the first jury gave a verdict in favor of the master and owners: they had a right to do what they had done. Lord Mansfield is reported to have said on the bench, "The matter left to the jury is,- Was it from necessity? For they had 110 doubt,- though it shocks one very much,- that the case of slaves was the same as if horses had ucen thrown overboard. It is a very shocl\ing cnse." But a more enlightened and humnue opinion Uegan to pre\'ail. Mr. Clarkson, early in his career, made a collection of African productions and manufactures, as specimens of |