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Show 26 ony man's hands, no strong vote to cast at the elections; and therefore may with imponi1y he left in their chains or to the chnn<:c of chains. then let the citizens in their primary capacity take up their cause on this very ground, and sny to the government of the State, and of the Union, that gon~ rumcnt exists to defend the weak and the poor and the injured party; the rich and the strong can better take care of themselves. And ns an omen and nssurance of success, 1 point you to the !..Hight example which England set you, on this day, ten years ago. There arc other comparisons and other imperative duties which come sadly to mind,- but I do not wish to darken the hours of this day by crimination;. I turn gladly to the rightful theme, to the bright aspects of the occasion. This event was a moral revolution. The history of it is before you. Here was no prodigy, no fabulous hero, no Trojan horse, no bloody war, but all was achieved by plain rneans of ph.1in men 1 working not under a leader, l>ut under n sentiment. Other revolutions have been the insurrection of the opp1csscd; this was the repentance of the tyrant. It was the masters revolting from their mnstery. The slave-holder said, I will not hold shl\•es. The end was noble, and the means were pure. lienee, the elevation and pathos of this chapter of history. The lives of the ad\'ocatcs are pages of greatness, and the connexion of the eminent senators with this question, constitutes the immortalizing moments of those men's lives. The bare enunciation of the theses1 at which the lawyers and legislators arrived, gives a glow to the heart of the reatler. Lord Chancellor Northington is the nuthor of the famous sentence, " As soon as any man puts his foot on English ground, he becomes free." "I was a slave,'' said the counsel of Somerset, speuking for his client, "for l was in America: I urn now in a country, where the common rights of manliind are known and regarded." Granville Sharpe filled 27 the ear of the judges with the sound principles, that had from time to ti111e been unirrned by the legal authorities. " DcrivcU power cannot be superior to the power from which it is derived." ''The reasonuUienes$ of the law is t/Jc soul of the law." "It is better to suffer every c\'il, Limn to consent to nny." Out it would come, the God's truth, nut it came, lil<e a bolt from a cloud, for all the mumbling of the lawyers. One feels very sensibly in all this history that a great heart and soul arc IJehind there, superior to any man, and making usc of each, in turn, and infinitely atLractive to every person accortling to the tlegrcc of reason in his own mind, so that this cause has had the power to draw to it every particle of talent and of worth in England, from the beginning. All the great geniuses of the British senate, Fox, Pitt, Burke, Gren\'illc, Sheridan. Grey, Can11ing, ranged themselves on its siJe; the poet Cowper wrote for it: Franklin, Jefferson, \'Yushington, in this conntry, all recorded their votes. All men remernber the subtlety and the fire of indignation, which the Edinburgh Review contributed to the cause; and every liueral mind, poet, preacher, moralist., statesman, has had the fortune to appear somewhere for this cause. On the other part, appeared the reign of pounds and shillings, and all manner of rage and stupidity; a resistance which drew from i\lr. Huddlestone in Parliament the observation, "That a curse attended this trade even in the mode of defending it. By a certain fatality, uone but the vilest arguments were brought forward, which corrupted the very persons who used them. Every one of these was built on the narrow ground of interest, of pecuniary profit, of sordid gain, in opposition to every motive that had reference to humanity, justice, and religion, or to that great principle which comprehended them all."- This mor;d force perpetually reinforces and dignifies the friends of this cause. It gave that tenacity to their point which has insured ultimate triumph; and it |