A History of Davis County

Confronting new worlds

CHAPTER 9 CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS T J_ he residents of Davis County approached the twentieth cen­tury with optimism. Times were good. A thriving commercial agri­culture, supportive industries, and expanding commerce had brought prosperity to many of the county's farmers and ranchers. Businessmen were doing well in the commercial arena. The town boosters could imagine only more progress in a progressive age; no one could anticipate the new challenges that lay ahead. A major eco­nomic crisis sandwiched between two world wars plus the steady expansion of technology would change many lives and leave Davis County's citizens living in a different world. Before the end of the Second World War, the county would experience an infusion of new people and be introduced to civil service at military installations. None of this could have been anticipated; but all of it left an indelible mark on the communities of Davis County. Foreign Wars and Home Improvements The process of growing out of a governing system built around ecclesiastical leaders into one controlled more directly by the people 312 CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 313 was reflected in Davis County through both local and outside issues. One of the national issues was the Spanish-American War. During Utah's political struggle to achieve statehood, the national media had projected an image of a politically disloyal people in the territory. This image improved after 1896 because of the provisions separating church and state. When Congress declared war on Spain in 1898, Utahns received the opportunity to demonstrate their support for national policy. Some concerned citizens spoke against enlistment in the military, but the First Presidency of the LDS church formally encouraged loyalty to national policy. In a show of patriotism, Utahns exceeded the state's volunteer quota of 500 men with 660 enlistees. Davis County furnished around two dozen men, a few from each community Nine Utahns died and thirteen were wounded while suppressing subsequent insurrection in the Philippines, none of them from Davis County. As a result of the war, besides gaining control over the Philippines and some Caribbean islands, the United States emerged as a world power. For Davis County's Latter-day Saints, basking in their place as part of the newest American state, the war had moved them one step closer to acceptance and understand­ing in the eyes of the nation.1 The war with the Spain was the first foreign war for the United States since its invasion of Mexico in 1846. Two major international conflicts lay ahead in the first half of the twentieth century Utahns responded to both as did other Americans. The United States under President Woodrow Wilson had remained neutral in a European war that began in 1914; but on 6 April 1917 Wilson responded to the sinking of several American supply ships by entering the war to "keep the world safe for democracy" Davis County residents responded to Utah's Council of Defense by loaning money through Liberty Loan drives, growing and saving food as part of the Victory Garden move­ment, and supporting the Red Cross in activities such as making ban­dages. About half of the Utahns in the armed forces enlisted as volunteers, the rest were drafted. In the Davis County draft lottery, the first name drawn was that of J. Leo Ware of Layton. He served as a clerk in France and saw some combat. In August 1917 a regiment of light artillery under Col. Richard W Young was organized from the Utah National Guard. 314 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY Designated the 145th Artillery Regiment at their Camp Kearney, California, training site, the Utah troops served a depot function and provided replacements to front-line units. Although the regiment itself finally was ordered to France, it arrived just before the 11 November 1918 armistice and did not see action. The personal sac­rifice of Utahns in the armed forces was notable-of nearly 25,000 who served from the state, some 300 died of disease and another 147 lost their lives on the battlefields of eastern France. Davis County's contribution was 474 enrolled in the army, thirty-one in the navy, and fifteen in the marines.2 The war's end brought celebrations in the streets and a parade that moved from Ogden into n o r t h Davis County. Local groups of the American Legion were organized in Bountiful, Layton, and other communities to help find jobs for returning servicemen, raise funds for a veterans' hospital in Salt Lake City, and remember the dead in Memorial Day programs. A decade later, the Davis County Commission set aside a r o om in the c o u r t h o u s e as an American Legion Hall, where the war veterans could be honored.3 During the war, the farms of Davis County flourished. While small family farms of twenty to eighty acres remained the norm, many larger farms had been created through homesteading, buying, and trading. Ezra T. Clark, one of Davis County's largest landowners, accumulated 700 acres before his death in 1901. His methods, accord­ing to a daughter, included resourcefulness, independent effort (he stayed out of the united orders), good business judgment, frugality, and avoidance of debt. His acquisitive watchword: "Keep what you have and get all you can."4 Clark was not the county's only acquisitive farmer. By 1917, thir­teen Davis County men owned more than 400 acres of farmland. The value of this land was enhanced because of commercial agriculture. For example, eighty-three landowners held acreages valued at more than $10,000. Thirteen farmers on this list, most of t h em residents of Layton, reported assessed values above $20,000. More typical forty-acre spreads in Davis County were appraised for around $1,000.5 Even the most prosperous Utah farmers faced challenges during the postwar years when a national depression hit agriculture espe­cially hard. Income in the 1920s declined noticeably from fruits and CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 315 field crops such as grain and sugar beets. These were staples for com­mercial farmers in Davis County. On the positive side, the cost of seed, fertilizer, and machinery remained steady. While farmers worked to rise above some decline in income, Utah businessmen involved in commerce, manufacturing, construction, and trans­portation did well during the economic downtime.6 Political Issues and Government Services. For a time after the end of World War I, Utahns returned to the Republican party. In 1920 the state's voters helped elect the GOP presidential ticket-Warren G. Harding, an Ohio senator, and his running mate Calvin Coolidge, a Massachusetts governor. Bountiful businessman and former mayor Charles R. Mabey, a Davis County Republican, defeated Provo busi­nessman Thomas N. Taylor to become Utah's fifth governor. Congressman Milton H. Welling, a Democrat born in Farmington, gave up his U.S. House seat in 1920 to run against Republican Senator Reed Smoot, who won reelection.7 Most residents of Davis County supported Utah's legislature in 1917 when it curbed the manufacture and sale of alcoholic beverages. Three years later they applauded passage of the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution establishing national Prohibition. Residents hoped these efforts would curb drunkenness and improve community morals. Consumption declined, but clandestine stills, including some in Davis County, continued to produce hard liquor. Speakeasies distributed huge quantities of locally made and imported spirits, malt liquors, wine, and mash. Bootlegging was difficult to stop. It continued even when federal officials seized more than 400 distilleries in Utah over a seven-year period. In an attempt to tighten control, the Bountiful city council adopted its own ordinance in December 1928 eliminating the sale of wine and tonics.8 In 1933 Congress invited the states to consider ending Prohibition by repealing the Eighteenth Amendment. In Utah, it was the chambers of commerce, Democratic officials, and the Salt Lake Tribune that encouraged repeal. Leaders of the LDS church celebrated the centennial of the church's Word of Wisdom-which advocates abstinence from alcoholic beverages-and preached against the return of saloons and "Demon Rum." Others supporting Prohibition were Utah's Methodist, Baptist, Presbyterian, and Seventh-day 316 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY Among the road improvements in Davis County was the Ogden-Salt Lake Cut-off, seen here reaching northward toward the viewer from Lagoon in the 1940s. (Utah State Historical Society) Adventist churches. Mormon leaders were disappointed when, by a 5-3 ratio, Utah became the thirty-sixth (and deciding) state to ratify the proposed Twenty-first Amendment. By a similar majority, citi­zens repealed the state's prohibition law. Davis County joined with sixteen other counties, t h i r t e e n of t h em totally rural, in opposing repeal. All other Wasatch Front counties from Juab to Weber revealed their urban character by favoring the end of the "noble experiment."9 While national issues caught the a t t e n t i o n of everyone in the county, local governments quietly went about their task of providing services to citizens. Services in the cities that had been incorporated in the 1890s increased steadily in the early decades of the new cen­tury. Bountiful, Farmington, and Kaysville gave special attention to t h e paving of city streets a n d development of city water systems. Graded or gravel-surfaced roads were the most common county and city streets well i n t o t h e t w e n t i e t h century; yet t h e effort to pave streets to meet the demands of local citizens and to match the quality of state roads moved forward steadily. Paving of city streets in Bountiful began in 1918, with the first curbing the following year. In contrast, because of its much later incorporation as a town, Syracuse laid its first paving in the 1930s. Other cities moved forward accord- CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 317 ing to citizen interest and willingness to be taxed for the modernizing benefits.10 By 1940 fully two-thirds of the roads built by the state in Davis County had some kind of paved surface, compared with only one-third of municipal streets, and just over one-tenth of county roads. Twelve years later, 93 percent of state roads, 61 percent of city streets, and 24 percent of county roads in Davis County were paved. These figures were well above state averages, but they tell only part of the story Between January 1940 and July 1952, no new state roads were built in Davis County, and the county itself added only ten miles of roadways, bringing its total to 172 miles. During these years, munic­ipal streets increased by nearly half, from 106 miles to 147 miles. Clearly, the towns and cities were taking on added responsibilities by opening new streets and moving toward higher quality surfaces to serve the increased motor traffic.11 Culinary water was another convenience provided during the early decades of the century by municipal governments. Officials in Bountiful and Farmington tried unsuccessfully in 1898 to provide the service but were rebuffed by those who controlled water rights-the local irrigation companies. Bountiful City responded by authorizing the Stone Creek and Barton Creek irrigation companies to serve their own stockholders. Farmington councilmen initiated a proposal but then tabled it for further study12 It was not many years later that Bountiful, Farmington, and Kaysville-the county's three incorporated cities-succeeded in installing culinary water systems to replace private wells and ditches. Bountiful resolved the question of water rights by developing an independent source from underground water. The city built a reser­voir with money loaned by Bountiful State Bank and began offering culinary water service in 1906. Citizens in Farmington voted 100-8 to bond for a city waterworks that same year, and officials purchased water shares from the North Cottonwood Irrigation Company. Two years later, Kaysville decided to allow private enterprise to provide the service. The city council granted Heber Steiner the franchise to build and operate a piped culinary and irrigation system for city residents.13 Because the existence of some form of legal entity was necessary to fund and manage a water system, thirteen new towns were created 318 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY in Davis County to accomplish that objective and to offer other municipal services. Centerville led out in this movement to incorpo­rate in 1915. Layton followed five years later, after several failed efforts by its Commercial Club. Nine other communities gained per­mission from the county commission to become incorporated towns during the late 1930s. These included Woods Cross, Syracuse, West Point, and Sunset in 1935; Clinton and East Layton in 1936; Laytona in 1937; South Weber in 1938; and Fruit Heights in 1939. The final incorporations were North Salt Lake, in 1947, and West Bountiful, two years later. Most of these new towns became third-class cities between 1950 and 1970, as the populations increased to the required number of residents.14 For most of the new communities, the incorporation petition was essentially a manifestation of interest in installing piped culinary water. This was true for Centerville, which was incorporated to qual­ify for a $15,000 waterworks bond. Voters gave near-unanimous sup­port for the funding proposal. The city acquired water from Deuel Creek Irrigation Company and built a reservoir to ensure steady ser­vice. The Syracuse town board secured water from a deep well near the cemetery, but the system served only residents above Bluff Road. The waterworks improvements were supported by a grant from the Public Works Administration (PWA), as were projects undertaken by Woods Cross and Sunset.15 When the Works Progress Administration (WPA), another Depression-era federal agency, offered loans to build community water systems, a handful of residents living outside Layton's town boundaries organized the Town of East Layton in 1936. The following year, they bonded for a water system and received matching funds from the WPA, which appointed a local supervisor to oversee construction. Before long, cast-iron pipes car­ried water to the homes of most of the town's 160 residents. The same process was followed in creating the Town of Laytona in 1937 to provide a water system for thirty-seven households. For twenty years, the Laytona Town Board managed the water system without providing any other municipal services; it then merged with Layton City Residents of West Point followed a similar WPA track in pro­viding culinary water to their newly incorporated town.16 The political process for approving a municipal water system did CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 319 not always follow immediately after incorporation. The interest in West Bountiful was present with incorporation, but it was seven years, in 1957, before residents voted 131-61 to approve a $296,000 bond. The funds were used to purchase the Weber Basin Reservoir Company, which had been providing water to about one-third of West Bountiful homes; most other residents had relied on private wells.17 Prior to the incorporation of city governments, community cemeteries had been established in the older towns, often under the auspices of local Mormon wards. One of the last of these was the cemetery created to serve residents of the Syracuse-Clearfield area in 1896 so that families would not need to bury their dead in the Kaysville-Layton cemetery or take them to Bountiful. During the 1920s and 1930s, incorporated cities accepted responsibility for maintaining and expanding local cemeteries. Fees charged for burial lots and interments supported maintenance costs; but maintenance was not always ideal. Centerville City acted to improve its cemetery in 1933 after Mormon leader J. Golden Kimball eulogized his associ­ate B. H. Roberts, a Davis County resident, with the words, "This is a good man we are laying away and what a hell of a place to lay him."18 Centralizing Education. The secularization of Utah society that accelerated with statehood led to a movement to consolidate local school districts in Utah. The territorial law that created free public schools in 1890 had permitted the formation of consolidated districts within large cities and in counties. Objectives were to improve the quality of instruction, replace one-room schools with graded classes, and increase attendance. In Davis County, the movement eventually resulted in new community elementary schools, the establishment of a countywide school district in 1911, and the creation of a central high school three years later. The change was not easy, given the long tradition of local control. It first was necessary to abolish the nine­teen separate district school boards that the county court had set up to oversee the local ungraded schools. With the creation of the Davis School District, the county school board's responsibilities expanded from advisory to administrative. The new district board and staff not only set standards and curriculum but took on the tasks of provid- 320 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY ing facilities and hiring teachers and principals. In the 1930s the dis­trict added school-lunch and transportation programs. Implementing the consolidation law meant closing the district schools and combining classes in the center of town in an elementary school built to accomodate eight grades. In some areas this transition went in stages because of limited funding and small enrollment. The first local districts in Davis County to respond were those at the ends of the county A one-room school named the Syracuse Central School was built in 1900 to serve students in a consolidation of Districts 13 and 14. Two additional rooms were soon needed; then in 1906 a separate Clearfield Elementary School was built to serve an expanding population. Syracuse Elementary eventually grew to the standard eight-room school. Voters in the Layton area struggled with the issues of funding and district boundaries, but decided in 1901 to build a three-room school. It was expanded to eight rooms in 1915 and absorbed the last of the area's one-room schools seven years later. Additional elemen­tary schools in the Layton area were not needed until 1942. In the Bountiful area, local districts were combined in two fully graded schools in 1907, Stoker School in Bountiful and West Bountiful Elementary19 A new state law in 1905 authorizing local tax support for public schools and allowing countywide consolidation prompted creation of the Davis County School District in the summer of 1911. District leaders combined the remaining local school districts and brought all county schools under centralized management. An eight-room ele­mentary school in Farmington was completed that year atop a hill overlooking the center of town. Because of its limited population, South Weber built a brick building with two classrooms in 1913; instructors taught students from four grades in each room. In 1917-18, handsome two-story brick schools, all of a similar pattern, were built in three other communities to serve grades one through eight. These elementary schools were in south Bountiful (to serve the Woods Cross-North Salt Lake area), Centerville, and Kaysville. With the completion of these schools, and new elementaries in Woods Cross and Clearfield in the early 1930s, the county had fully moved into the era of the graded school for children.20 CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 321 One of the first of the new eight-room consolidated elementary schools built in the county was this one, completed in 1911 atop a rocky prominence in Farmington. (Charles G. Miller) Consolidation also raised the question of establishing schools for grades nine through twelve. The idea of establishing public high schools in Utah emerged in the 1890s, and by 1905 thirty-three were in operation, most of them offering fewer than four years of study. They provided an alternative to secondary education then being offered by various churches. A 1911 state law encouraged the creation of a single county high school. Four years later, the legislature man­dated consolidation of high schools within counties (and large cities) and created an elected board of five members to oversee the elemen­tary and secondary schools within each district.21 It was within this context that public high schools appeared in Davis County The county school board granted permission in 1909 to create North Davis High School in Syracuse to serve that region. A high school had been functioning in Bountiful since 1906, when the state legislature authorized funding for secondary education. Bountiful voters authorized a new building in 1910. Davis County school officials thus generated a protracted discussion when they 322 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY Vocational training in carpentry skills was offered in the manual training room at North Davis High School, seen here in a 1917 photograph. (The Community of Syracuse) t r i ed to apply t h e optional provisions of the 1911 law. Citizens at b o t h ends of t h e county resisted c o n s t r u c t i o n of a geographically centralized high school. They expressed concern about transporta­tion and lamented the loss of local control over education. Eventually district leaders worked out an agreement that allowed Davis County Central High School in Kaysville to be built. Mormon leaders closed the church's Davis Academy in Kaysville, a n d the n i n e - r o om high school opened in 1914 near the county's geographic center. It gradu­ated t h i r ty students from its senior class the following year. Students in the northwest region of the county continued to attend the two-year North High School until 1925.22 Meanwhile, the new building in Bountiful became South Davis Junior High School (renamed Bountiful Junior High in 1959) to serve students in grades nine and ten. The idea of a junior high school was new at that time and under­went a number of adjustments during the 1920s and 1930s. Combining n e i g h b o r h o o d schools into citywide elementaries and countywide high schools created a transportation need. Horse-drawn school wagons originally t r a n s p o r t e d the most distant stu­dents to school a n d home each d a y Those living close to schools CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 323 found their own way. Many older students reached Davis High aboard the Bamberger railroad, while others arrived in private buses. The school district launched its own bus system in 1929 to serve stu­dents at all grade levels living more than 2.5 miles from a school. Busing students was at that time a purely local option, and Davis was one of the last districts to assume that responsibility23 Depression and War, 1930-1945 The political transitions that saw towns increase their services and consolidate schools were important parts of Davis County's experience. Of greater impact on more lives were the events associ­ated with the Great Depression and World War II, which would leave major legacies on the economic and social landscape. The Great Depression. When the stock market crashed in October 1929, many Utahns shared the pervading national optimism. Prior economic downturns had been short-lived. Most people expected this one to work itself back to normal in a traditional way. Instead, however, conditions worsened. Unemployment in Utah increased to nearly 36 percent by late 1932, and the market for agricultural goods declined. Farm income statewide dropped by more than half. Complicating the challenges for farmers was a devastating drought in 1934, the worst in Utah's recorded history It limited harvests from field crops and dried up reservoirs. Banks began to foreclose on mortgages. Local governments seized homes and farms for unpaid taxes. All of these conditions impacted the citizens of Davis County in one way or another.24 Utah's state leaders took some actions to help relieve the prob­lems. Governor George Dern implemented a program to help the unemployed by accelerating new road construction projects and by encouraging businessmen to shorten the work week and hire more employees. In order to broaden the state's tax base and shift the bur­den from farmers, Utahns approved constitutional amendments to enact corporate and personal income taxes. Subsequent laws in 1931 most heavily impacted businesses and individuals with higher incomes. To help people find jobs, the LDS church set up local employment bureaus and also provided clothing, food, and com- 324 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY modities for the needy. Other churches also joined with community agencies and the Red Cross in the cooperative relief effort.25 Federal relief funds began to flow in mid-1932, after Herbert Hoover signed the Emergency Relief and Reconstruction Act. The election of that year put Franklin D. Roosevelt into the White House. Kaysville businessman Henry H. Blood, who was serving as chair of the Utah State Road Commission and as president of the North Davis LDS Stake, won office as Utah governor. Because the state had received property taxes from only half the usual number of landown­ers in 1932, it was near bankruptcy. Blood, a Democrat, and a sup­portive legislature were able only to offer modest help to Utah's unemployed. They did build trust in stable banks, liquidated those unable to remain in business, and worked with the public works pro­jects launched under Roosevelt's New Deal set of programs. The gov­ernor also lobbied successfully in Washington for additional funds for public works projects, including buildings, reclamation projects, and highways. Davis County benefited from these efforts, with watershed restoration work by the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), crop support payments through the Agricultural Adjustment Acts, private loans from the Farm Credit Administration and Home Owners Loan Corporation, and building projects under the Public Works Administration and Works Progress Administration. This infusion of work opportunities for 30,000 Utahns pushed unemployment in Utah steadily downward. It dropped below 10 percent in 1935, then leveled off until 1941, when wartime jobs punched it down to less than 3 percent. Residents appreciated the government helping hand that eased the personal burdens of lives lived frugally26 Debris Floods and Conservation. Another kind of burden was more selective in its devastating effect in Davis County. During three summers in the first decades of the twentieth century, several canyons in the Kaysville-Centerville area disgorged huge quantities of mud and rocks in flash floods that spilled out into the settlements below. The debris floods caused an estimated $1 million in damage in 1940 prices. Within minutes the floods swamped buildings, covered high­ways, disrupted railroads, toppled electrical power poles, clogged water systems, and destroyed croplands in central Davis County. The CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 325 Centerville residents stretch their arms to indicate the size of a two-hundred- ton boulder dropped at the mouth of Parrish Creek in the 1930 flood. (Utah State Historical Society) first of these rainstorm floods happened on Haight (Bair Canyon), Kays, and Holmes Creeks east of Kaysville in August 1912. The Kays Creek debris flood left an alluvial fan of mud and rocks ten feet deep and 300 feet wide where it emerged from the canyon. More serious damage was caused by the floods of 14 August 1923 that issued from Farmington, Steed, and Ford (Ricks) Creek drainages. Four Boy Scouts and a honeymooning Ogden couple camping in Farmington Canyon were killed in the fast-moving flood. Damage in the south Farmington and north Centerville area was extensive, with mud up to thirteen feet deep inundating homes and cars. The last of the major floods hit during the summer of 1930 from Kaysville through Centerville, involving Kays, Davis, Ricks, Barnard, and Parrish Creeks. Debris floods of 10 July, 11-12 August, and 4 September caused extensive property damage in Farmington and Centerville. Mud, rocks, and hundred-ton boulders covered farms, orchards, and residential property. The Centerville Elementary School was surrounded by the slimy swath from Parrish Canyon.27 The first systematic search for the causes of the destructive floods and ways to prevent them began immediately after the 1923 problem. Similar flooding had occurred in other areas along the Wasatch 326 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY Front, from Cache Valley to Sanpete County, and some preventative measures were taken in t h e early 1920s using dikes. Luther M. Winson, an irrigation engineer employed by the state, supervised this early work and organized similar efforts at Willard and Farmington in 1924. W i t h funding from local water users, t h e Utah Highway Commission, county commissioners, and railroad companies, diver­sion dams and catchment basins were built to control the flow of the mountain streams above the impacted towns. Meanwhile, J. H. Paul of the University of Utah and F. S. Baker of the U.S. Forest Service published a report in 1925 pinpointing fires and overgrazing as the basic causes of the debris floods in Willard and Farmington. They recommended revegetation of the damaged watersheds and county regulation of the land. It would be another five years, and another damaging flood season, however, before their recommendations would lead to action.28 The devastation of the 1930 floods prompted Governor George H. Dern to appoint an eighteen-member flood commission to study the causes and propose ways of preventing further flooding. An inde­pendent survey conducted by the Intermountain Forest and Range Experiment Station at Ogden agreed with the committee's findings. Torrential rainfall, or cloudbursts, had provided ample water for the floods, b u t the underlying cause was overgrazed m o u n t a i n water­sheds. In Davis County-the focus of b o t h studies-investigators confirmed that the watershed feeding into Steed, Davis, Ford, and Parrish Creeks had been denuded, mostly by sheep. As much as one-f o u r t h of t h e u p p e r watershed zone of each offending creek was nearly b a r r e n of vegetation, leaving it unable to absorb the water from summer t h u n d e r s t o r m s . Nearby canyons that had not been overgrazed or scorched by fire produced no damaging runoff. "The flood commission's study made it very clear," Bernard DeVoto reported, "that not nature, b u t the inhabitants of Davis County were responsible."29 The governor's committee looked for solutions. One recommen­dation was that the federal government purchase the private grazing lands and manage them. Both study groups suggested that the land be restored and revegetated. These proposals changed the approach to flood control. The state legislature asked the Utah State Land CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 327 The unique terraced trench system built by Civilian Conservation Corps men on the Davis County watershed (seen here) had application in many other western American locations. (Utah State Historical Society) Board to conduct further studies and create a plan of action. The first investigations confirmed earlier findings of the need to restore vege­tation to the overgrazed watersheds. A long-range mountain slope study launched by the U.S. Forest Service continued for years after the floods. The agency set up a Davis County Experimental Watershed area in the affected areas east of Centerville and Farmington. Investigators measured erosion to understand the impact of barren watersheds on sediment and stream flow. One seventeen-year study begun in 1930 found that the amount of sedi­ment moving down Parrish Creek was more than 2,500 times that of a nearby watershed that had not been overgrazed.30 Efforts to prevent further flooding on the damaged watershed included both preventive and corrective measures. In the region above Centerville, the city purchased some of the damaged drainage for public management and reseeding, and the remaining private owners agreed to adopt conservative grazing practices. Over time, the plant cover was restored and the soil stabilized. During subsequent summer cloudbursts, no flooding occurred. Restoration costs for 1,300 acres of Davis County watershed totaled an estimated 328 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY $300,000.31 In 1933 the U.S. Forest Service pioneered the building of contour trenches. The ditches were nine feet wide and spaced up to twenty feet apart, and they effectively controlled both melting snow and torrential rains on the damaged watersheds. Over a period of six years, workers scraped more than 700 miles of these trenches into Wasatch mountainsides using horse-drawn plows, tractors, bulldoz­ers, and hand labor. The Davis County trial project worked so well that trenching was used on more than eighty other projects in the Forest Service's Intermountain Region to restore 30,000 acres of watershed land. Range research also resulted in improved methods for managing grazing, improving natural forage, understanding runoff from rainfall and snowmelt, and measuring other factors impacting soil erosion and floods.32 Unemployed young men who had enrolled in the Civilian Conservation Corps helped build the mountainside trenches and replant barren slopes in the damaged Davis County watershed. They worked out of a base camp called Lake View Camp that was estab­lished in 1933 in north Farmington. Another reclamation camp oper­ated from the entrance of Mueller Park in Bountiful. These conservation camps were two of 116 set up at various times in Utah by the Federal Emergency Relief Agency to protect and enhance the national forests and to prevent soil erosion on public lands. Unemployed local tradesmen were hired to supervise the eighteen-to- twenty-five-year-old youth enrollees. The Davis County flood-control project had been launched by county officials with funds from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, a federal agency Also joining in the effort were the Army Corps of Engineers and the U.S. Forest Service, the technical supervisors. The cooperating agencies cut a new road into Farmington Canyon, blasting out switchbacks with dynamite, and connected it around the mountain to Bountiful. This roughly graded road gave the "CCC boys" quicker access to the area. In the moun­tains, workers created a huge network of erosion-control terraces under the guidance of Dr. Reed W. Bailey of the Intermountain Forest and Range Experiment Station. When the initial ninety miles of compartmentalized trenches proved successful in preventing ero­sion and floods, the men carved out additional terraces totaling CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 329 Workmen from the Lake View Camp constructed roads into Farmington Canyon and several flood control barriers to control stream flow coming out of the major canyons. (Utah State Historical Society) another 600 miles. At the mouth of the flooded canyons, the CCC men built catch basins to control silt, earthen dikes, rock retaining walls, and rock foundations for bridges where the impacted creeks crossed the main road in Fruit Heights, Farmington, and Centerville. At Farmington Bay Wildlife Refuge, crews built dikes and nesting islands for birds.33 Involvement in the CCC program had a personal impact on the men who improved Davis County's physical environment. The young men, 80 percent of them from outside the state, were fed, clothed, and housed at government expense. They kept only five dollars of their thirty-dollar monthly salary; the rest was sent home to aid their families, who were on government relief. Many of the young men learned skills useful later in the private sector. At the Lakeview Camp in Farmington, the men raised vegetables and tended pigs and cows on an adjacent ten-acre farm. Some of the CCC enrollees stayed behind after their eighteen-month stint in the corps. They had made friendships in local communities, met local young women during 330 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY outings at Lagoon Resort and elsewhere, married, and became Davis County residents.34 The Second World War. Americans had been preparing for war before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on 7 December 1941. They did so by supporting the Allies through what President Franklin D. Roosevelt called an "arsenal of democracy." These preparations readied the United States for an unwanted but inevitable involvement against the Axis forces. Congress reacted immediately to the loss of life in Hawaii by bringing the nation into the conflict. Roosevelt's approval of the war declaration rapidly lifted Davis County and most of the country out of the Depression and into a period of patriotic service and support that prepared the way for an era of growth and prosperity Davis County contributed its share of men and women to the Allied fighting forces through enlistments and military drafts. Of the 62,107 Utahns serving in 1945 in the U.S. Army, Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard, 1,450 were killed in action and another thousand died from other causes. Each Davis County community sent off sons and daughters to the war, honored those who returned, and memo­rialized those who died. Fifty-two women were among those who served in World War II from the county. Fatalities from Davis County included forty-one members of the army and sixteen from the navy.35 Latter-day Saint meetinghouses installed plaques in their foyers list­ing ward members who served, with a small star beside the name of each person who paid the ultimate sacrifice. On the home front, Davis County residents lent their patriotic support to the war effort through a variety of programs. Many resi­dents became full- or part-time workers at military installations in the north Davis and south Weber area. The county's agricultural pro­duction was at the forefront of the patriotic endeavor. George E. Dibble, chairman of the county defense board, challenged area farm­ers to increase food production. "In behalf of national defense," he said, "we call upon every farmer in the county to do his best to bring his production into line with the county quotas on food output. It is as much our duty to comply with this request of our government as it is the duty of a draftee to report to his training station."36 The can­ning crops increased in the county the following year, but the loss of CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS ' 331 farmland to the Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield kept production below hoped-for expectations.37 Virtually every citizen, not just Davis County's farmers, was involved in federal programs created to produce goods, manage shortages, and raise funds for the war. The OPA label of the Office of Price Administration became familiar to every county resident through the agency's programs of rationing scarce items and setting price controls. Between 1942 and 1945, local rationing boards set up by the OPA reviewed requests for automobiles, tires, stoves, and type­writers. Such items were nearly impossible to get because manufac­turing plants focussed on making weapons, tanks, military vehicles, and warships. After nylon replaced silk in parachutes, women could not buy nylon stockings. Also scarce were gasoline, fuel oil, kerosene, shoes, sugar, coffee, butter, canned fruits and vegetables, and beef steak. Many products could be acquired only with rationing coupons. Red coupons authorized the purchase of meat, fish, and dairy prod­ucts; blue coupons were used for canned goods. In a show of patriotism, Davis County residents accepted the inconveniences of rationing, reused everything possible, stepped up home gardening and home canning, and generally avoided buying black market items. Even though most residents already kept back­yard gardens, during World War II the fruit and vegetables raised and stored became part of the "Victory Garden" strategy To support the war effort, people responded to government quotas for scrap iron and steel and turned in used rubber, rags, and kitchen fat (used to make glycerine for black powder). Schools, churches, newspapers, and businesses promoted the sale of savings bonds to help fund the war. Schoolchildren bought stamps for a book that could be redeemed for a ten-dollar or twenty-five-dollar U.S. Savings Bond when full. In these and other ways, the residents of Davis County lent their support to Allied forces fighting in the devastating European and Pacific theaters of the war.38 The war was brought close to home in another way. Several thou­sand German and Italian prisoners of war were interned in fenced stockades at thirteen base and branch camps in Utah during the war. All of the prisoners received good food, health care, recreation, and humane treatment as guaranteed by the 1929 Geneva Convention. 332 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY Rarely mistreated, they did sometimes feel that the American guards reflected a negative attitude, a situation no doubt exaggerated by wartime tensions. One of the base camps was at the Naval Supply Depot in Clearfield, home to 500 German prisoners between April 1945 and the end of the war. The men lived in twenty-two barracks built on what had been local farmland. Catholic and Lutheran ser­vices were held in the camp each Sunday. On other days, the men raised crops on a farm in Syracuse and performed other labor both inside and outside the camp when local workers were not available. A second base camp in Davis County, located at Hill Field, was known as Camp Hill Field or the Ogden Air Technical Service Counsel. It housed mostly Italian POWs. They were offered high school education programs and, because all were Catholics, attended religious services conducted by Monsignor Alfredo F. Giovanoni from St. Mary's of the Wasatch in Salt Lake City When Italy capitu­lated, the Italian prisoners were allowed to work on local farms and in defense industries if they renounced Mussolini's regime and signed a parole agreement.39 Military Installations. World War II brought four new military support installations to Utah and an expansion of the Ogden Arsenal, which had been operating since 1921. All of these facilities except the Tooele Army Depot directly impacted residents of Davis County. The Ogden Arsenal at Sunset, the Ogden Air Materiel Command area at Hill Field, and the U.S. Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield occupied land in Davis County. The Utah General Depot near Ogden was located in nearby Weber County All of these facilities served as sup­ply depots, and some of them provided maintenance and repair ser­vices. The military support zone in the Clearfield-Ogden area resulted in new jobs and increased populations during the war and a lasting impact on the economy and social makeup of the area.40 The first of the depots established in Davis County was set up after the close of World War I. Investigators chose the Ogden area when they sought out inland sites that were close to railroads and highways. Opened in 1921, the Ogden Arsenal stored 15 percent of the unused and obsolete ammunition left over from the war. The munitions were housed in large hollow tile magazines built on a 1,200-acre site east of Sunset, property formerly used as family farms. CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 333 Over time, the facility languished. The Ogden Chamber of Commerce petitioned federal authorities in 1935 to reactivate the neglected depot to help relieve the impact of the Depression. The Works Progress Administration spent several million dollars build­ing a new ammunition loading plant that employed a hundred work­ers beginning in 1938. During World War II, the Ogden Arsenal loaded small-caliber artillery shells and bombs and shipped all types of ordnance items plus vehicles, small arms, and artillery to various ports in the western United States. As the facility was expanded to accommodate its new wartime mission, employment mushroomed by 1943 to 6,000 civilians. With the close of the war, employment dropped to fewer than 1,500, but it doubled during the Korean con­flict. It then dropped to 500 before the depot was closed in August 1954. At that time, the depot's inventory was shipped to Tooele Ordnance Depot and the land became Hill Air Force Base's West Area. In 1960 the Air Materiel Command gave Hill the worldwide responsibility for U.S. Air Force ammunition. When the assembly and storage of Minuteman missiles was assigned to Hill, it was the old Arsenal site that housed that program.41 Hill Air Force Base (HAFB), originally known as Hill Field, was the site for the Ogden Air Depot, whose name underwent several changes until it became the Ogden Air Materiel Area. The depot's original mission was to repair and maintain aircraft and provide sup­ply services for the Army Air Corps. Launched in 1938 as a WPA pro­ject on a hilltop section of Davis County dry-farm land, by 1943 Hill Field was the largest employer in Utah. In addition to 6,000 military personnel on duty during World War II, the base hired 15,000 civil­ians, many of them from north Davis County, and put several thou­sand prisoners of war to work.42 Like the Arsenal, the Ogden Air Depot at Hill Field was estab­lished through the encouragement of the Ogden Chamber of Commerce in an attempt to boost the local economy The site was selected in 1935 and the first facility built by the WPA four years later. The chamber of commerce donated some of the land to make the project possible. Hill Field was named after Major Ployer P. Hill, who was killed in 1935 while testing a Boeing XB-17 "Flying Fortress" bomber at Wright Field in Dayton, Ohio. During World War II, the 334 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY By early 1944, the runways, aircraft operations hangars, shops, officers' quarters, and Hillcrest Villa-civilian dormitories for single men and women (lower left, near the South Gate)-were among the facilities com­pleted at Hill Field. (Utah State Historical Society) depot's mission included repair of various aircraft and engines, para­chutes, bombsights, and radios. As a supply depot, the installation shipped parts and equipment for airplanes. After the war, Hill Field became a storage facility for surplus materiel, including the B-29 Superfortress. It was d u r i n g the late 1940s t h a t the depot was renamed the Ogden Air Materiel Area (OOAMA) and Hill Field became Hill Air Force Base. The Korean conflict saved the base from closing in 1950 and prompted construc­t i o n of a m o d e r n r u n w a y Civilian employment j u m p e d again to more than 12,000. During the 1950s, as part of a specialization plan adopted by the U.S. Air Force, the base was given responsibility for specific airplanes. Among t h em were the F-89, F-84, and F-101 jet fighters. As the base's maintenance work increased, its depot function was dispersed. By 1958 more than half of OOAMA's supply work had been given to local contractors, who shipped goods directly to West CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 335 Coast ports. Even with this dispersal, the base retained a steady civil­ian employment of nearly 12,000 men and women during the 1950s and 1960s; another 3,000 military personnel also worked at the base.43 Hill Air Force Base took on a new profile when Utah became a major player in the missile industry The base continued its special­ized work with airmunitions and explosives and its aircraft mainte­nance work while adding responsibilities for a variety of experimental missiles, including the Genie rocket and Bomark ground-to-air interceptor. In 1959 the Minuteman missile became a mainstay. This three-stage, solid-propellant missile was assembled at Hill Air Force Base by the Boeing Company using components made in Utah by Thiokol Chemical Corporation, Hercules Powder Company, and other firms. Boeing leased the government-owned plant. Hill provided logistical support, maintenance, and repair for the missile system. By 1970 Hill Air Force Base was a well-established presence in Davis County and the state's largest employer, with a pay­roll of more than $100,000 million.44 Though not as large nor as lasting in their impact, two other depots contributed to the transformation of northern Davis County from an agricultural economy to one with a strong federal presence. During World War II, the U.S. Navy set up three inland supply depots to buy and ship equipment and supplies and handle the movement of personnel. The U.S. Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield managed this task for three West Coast ports serving the Pacific Fleet. In addition to managing an inventory of about 500,000 items, the depot distrib­uted automotive and other materiel for selected activities in three naval districts stretching from North Dakota to Texas. Navy scouts chose the Clearfield site over Farmington because of its potential for expansion. When farm families opposed the loss of 1,600 acres of choice sugar beet and vegetable cropland, local government, business, and church leaders suggested other sites, including one near Woods Cross. The Clearfield site received strong support from the Ogden Chamber of Commerce, however. When the Navy stood by its origi­nal decision, Utah officials convinced the Clearfield farmers to sell for the economic good of the entire area. The $37 million depot opened in 1943 with warehouses span­ning nearly 8 million square feet, plus a similar amount of open stor- 336 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY Among the equipment and supplies transhipped by the Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield to West Coast ports were these buoys made in Minneapolis. (Utah State Historical Society) age space. The depot soon counted nearly 8,000 civilian employees and an inventory valued at three times all the property of Utah. At its peak in 1944, the depot received 2.5 million tons of materiel in nearly 31,000 boxcars and shipped half that amount in an around-the-clock operation. Workers dispatched items such as clothing, general sup­plies, spare parts, hospital units, and electronics.45 As World War II drew to a close, employment at the Naval Supply Depot was scaled back gradually Closure was rumored in the late 1940s, b u t the base remained open. During the postwar years, the Clearfield depot warehoused and surplused unused materiel. In April 1946 t h e prisoner of war camp was disbanded and the men were returned to their homelands. The depot's civilian force remained sta­ble u n t i l after the Korean War, t h e n slid downward from around 3,000 to 1,300 as local workers left to take jobs in private businesses. All but the disposal operations were phased-out during this period. CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 337 When the depot closed in 1962, its remaining $430 million inventory was transferred to the Defense Depot Ogden and the Tooele Army Depot. Most of the remaining 435 employees found work at other Utah military installations.46 After the base's closure, the depot buildings were put to other uses. The dissemination of hydrographic charts for the Pacific Area remained at Clearfield under the Navy Oceanographic Distribution Office. Added was a supply distribution facility operated by the General Services Administration to serve six western states. Of spe­cial significance to Davis County's economy was the sale of nearly two-thirds of the depot's land for use as an industrial park-the Freeport Center. The Clearfield Job Corps, operated by Thiokol Corporation under a contract with the Department of Labor, occu­pied another seventy acres in 1966. Facilities were built to house and train more than a thousand youths annually to prepare them for jobs or military service. Many of the 350 Job Corps staff members became residents of the north Davis area.47 The fourth area military facility, the Utah General Depot, was built in 1941 to serve the U.S. Army. Later known as Defense Depot Ogden, the repository warehoused quartermaster supplies and shipped them to the war zones through ports on the West Coast. The site, known locally as "Second Street," was located on nearly 1,700 acres of prime farmland near Marriott, northwest of Ogden. The facility was built with a small subsidy from the Ogden Chamber of Commerce and was expanded during World War II to accomodate an expanded mission. At its peak, the facility employed 4,000 civil­ians and 5,000 prisoners of war and was the largest wartime quarter­master depot in the country The depot's eight original warehouses increased to twenty-eight during the war, with a total of 5 million square feet of enclosed space. Shipping 200 boxcars a day during the war, the storehouse handled more supplies than the other three northern Utah depots combined. After the war, the depot housed returned materiel for storage and dis­posal. It served during the Korean conflict, then reduced its employ­ment to around 3,000. During the 1950s, the depot became host to other government facilities, including some functions of the Ogden Arsenal and a service center of the Internal Revenue Service. With 6 338 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY million square feet of covered storage space available by the late 1960s, "Second Street" remained one of the largest supply depots in the nation and an important factor in the Weber-Davis economy48 The economic impact of wartime spending created a new pros­perity unknown in Davis County since before the Great Depression. The most obvious boost was the creation of thousands of new jobs at the depots and thousands more in temporary construction work to meet the need for facilities, housing, and schools. Sunset, Clearfield, and Layton became "bedroom communities" to the mili­tary depots. In addition, the government and its employees pur­chased goods and services locally Some farmland was sacrificed for military installations and housing in the northern region and for oil refineries along the county's southwest border; even so, price sup­ports and the demand for farm products increased agricultural income. Government controls and quotas were a continuation of the Depression-era programs of the Agricultural Adjustment Administration. During the war, the AAA's Davis County office- renamed the Davis County Defense Board-set higher crop produc­tion goals in the federal "Food for Victory" drive. Local farmers generally approved of these actions because of the positive impact on profits.49 Recruiting thousands of workers for the Davis-Weber depots was a challenging task, as there often was a need for additional help. Many of the resident civilian employees of the two-county region liked the security of government employment. Farming became a part-time occupation for many; for others a defense job was viewed as overtime work to supplement farm income. Most employees saw the work as a patriotic duty Enlistment in the military had diminished the pool of available white men, so recruiters encouraged nonwhites and women to apply The limited number of nonwhite residents in Utah led to recruiting outside the state. The Naval Supply Depot, for exam­ple, brought in more than 2,400 African Americans from the South. The depot also employed Native Americans recruited from New Mexico and Arizona as part of the federal bracero project. Japanese Americans who had been interned during the war hired on as well. Students commuted to the federal workplaces from as far away as Logan. Retired persons and people with physical handicaps also CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 339 Mardell Burnett, seen with fellow supervisor Ervin G. Heslop in the para­chute repair shop at Hill Field, was one of many women who found work at military installations in the Davis-Weber area. (Utah State Historical Society) joined the work force. Nonwhite residents found that work was read­ily available not just in the defense installations but on the railroads and farms as well. Many of the new arrivals worked a combination of these jobs.50 D u r i n g World War II, m a n y U t a h women j o i n e d t h e civilian forces at defense plants and military installations. They worked as drivers, guards, ammunition inspectors, safety specialists, machinists, and in other traditionally male jobs. For most women, this was their first job outside the home. They went to work in slacks, a new phe­nomenon for American women. Other women volunteered in hos­pitals, helped the Red Cross or USO, or cared for children whose mothers were working. Utah's newspapers joined the plea for women workers, reminding t h em that it was their patriotic duty to apply for the positions at the military depots. Women responded in such great numbers that by 1944 they constituted 37 percent of the Utah labor 340 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY force, double the percentage of four years earlier. Even with this gov­ernment work for men and women, agriculture remained a domi­nant way of life in the Davis region and women retained primary responsibility for housework and the care of young children. On-site nurseries offered help at many government facilities.51 While the defense jobs attracted thousands of local and trans­planted workers, many positions at the military installations remained unfilled. Davis County farms experienced a similar labor shortage, caused largely by the loss of farm workers to high-paying defense jobs. To compensate for the loss, government agencies increased wartime food production quotas on the farms and helped recruit farm laborers. In 1942, for example, sixty-six lapanese Americans from a relocation camp in Arizona helped with the tomato and beet harvest in Davis County. Two years later, the county commissioners rented land in Laytona and set up a farm labor camp for around 200 Mexican nationals. Some POWs from the Italian and German camps in Ogden also augmented farm labor.52 Temporary workers moving in from other locations created an unprecedented demand for housing in the Davis-Weber region. Because living quarter were scarce, some local residents took in single workers as boarders. Apartments were developed hastily in basements or spare rooms, and even in chicken coops. To prevent profiteering in what was a nationwide housing shortage, Congress froze rents in July 1942. New accommodations were rushed to completion to fill the local need. In the Layton area, private landowners developed the Hill Villa, Skyline, and Ellison subdivisions. When these failed to meet the need, the government shipped in 300 trailer homes to create the twenty-acre Layton Trailer Park on Easy Street (Hill Field Road, on land later developed as the Layton Hills Mall). Prefabricated Quonset huts were built at the Naval Supply Depot as dormitories for single men. New government villages appeared almost overnight to house families who could not find housing-200 units at Anchorage in the Clearfield area; 400 at Verdeland Park, just east of downtown Layton; a similar number at Arsenal Villa in Sunset; and 600 multi­plex apartments at Sahara Village near Hill Field's south gate. Some of the government housing was built over the protests of local home builders and property owners, but more than half of all new housing CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 341 was privately built. Most of that was financed through loans from the Federal Housing Administration. To compensate for gasoline and automobile shortages, buses were provided to transport personnel to work from the satellite communities.53 Typical of the temporary government homes were the 600 four-plex units built by the Federal Public Housing Authority at Sahara Village, a symmetrical assemblage near the south gate of Hill Field. For about thirty-four dollars a month, a renter got an apartment with a concrete floor in a painted cinderblock building. Each unit came with a coal heater, gas stove, gas water heater, and electric refrigerator, along with a table, four chairs, and single beds. Utilities and mainte­nance were provided at no extra cost. Serving the community of 1,800 residents were a grocery store, meat market, drug store, barber shop, beauty shop, tailor shop, weekly newspaper (the Sahara Star), and post office. Religious services, a children's nursery, dances, and other recreational activities were available in a recreation hall within the village's administration building. "Utah's Fastest Growing Community," as it was called, was created in the pattern of the com­pany towns seen previously in Utah only in mining areas. Similar support services were available at the other government housing parks built to sustain the war effort.54 Wartime military installations created a need for new schools. In the early 1940s the Davis School District built the Sahara Village, Verdeland Park, and Hilltop elementary schools in the Layton area and Wasatch Elementary in Clearfield. In 1939 the district had opened North Davis Junior High School in Clearfield and added a southwest classroom wing to Davis High School to serve increased enrollments.55 The Home Front in Transition The precedent-setting recruitment of women into the work force proved to be temporary for many of these workers. As employment was scaled back, a good number of the women workers once again became full-time homemakers. They did so with the encouragement of civic and church leaders, who sustained a widely held belief that most jobs should be reserved for returning war veterans. Most women agreed that they had done men's work only as a patriotic 342 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY obligation and preferred to return to the home. Those who remained in government jobs often did so at reduced pay in comparison to that received by men. Many of them were shunted to "pink collar" work such as secretaries and clerks. A number of the women who left mil­itary jobs did so to get married or follow their husbands, and those who remained at work were usually older.56 During the war, the percentage of Utah women in the labor force jumped from 17.6 percent in 1940 to a wartime high of 36.8 percent in 1944. It slid to 24.3 percent in 1950, then began a steady climb. By 1960 the rate was 32.4 percent; a decade later it had reached 41.5 per­cent; and in 1980 there were 49.6 percent of the state's women work­ing outside the home. Ten years later, the rate had increased to 61 percent, with Davis County's participation two percentage points below the state's. Women in the labor force discovered an increasingly greater social tolerance, and job opportunities became increasingly available. Two incomes were needed by many families to keep up with inflation and economic necessity The trend in Utah, including Davis County, echoed the national experience.57 A study of women leaders in Davis County at mid-century found them goal-oriented, well-educated, and satisfied with life and with their families and social involvements, work, and income. These com­munity leaders had found ways to contribute both professionally and through community service. According to this 1959 study, women dominated the administrative staff of the county library system; how­ever, in the county school system no women were serving in admin­istration, on the board, or as school principals. Women were found only as nurses, case workers, or clerks in the county health and pub­lic welfare organizations. "Women have fitted their time into the cul­tural molds which the prevailing system of values prescribes," the study concluded. "Well over half of their public [volunteer] effort is given to religious activities."58 The cutback in employment at the area's military facilities after the world war left vacancies in many of the housing units built by the government as temporary quarters. Federal agencies dismantled the Layton Trailer Park on Hill Field Road in 1945, and many renters in the government housing villages purchased permanent homes in new subdivisions. The deterioration of the homes in Verdeland Park and CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 343 Sahara Village created a special problem for Layton. The Davis County Commission, the Layton Town Board, and a local housing advisory committee discussed various options, including one that would have designated Sahara Village as a segregated community for African Americans and Hispanics. The cinderblock four-plex rental units at Sahara Village eventually were demolished, and many former residents lived for a time at Verdeland Park.59 When the federal government offered to sell the eighty-five-acre Verdeland Park residential area for $600,000, Layton accepted the opportunity. With an agreement to buy the park over a ten-year period, in 1957 Layton City became a landlord. But city officials found it difficult to collect rent on the deteriorating houses. Built of plywood walls and hardwood floors, the twenty-five-year-old duplex units were judged not worth the expense of upgrading. Therefore, the city paid off its government mortgage and in 1964 offered the homes for sale at an average of $260 each. Buyers agreed not to relocate the houses in Layton. The Davis School District purchased twenty-eight acres of the cleared land for a new high school. Over the next twenty years, Layton City developed a large park on the remaining forty-five acres and used an abandoned administrative building as a city office. Later, the city built a municipal building and museum at the site. Some of the original trees planted by Verdeland Park's first residents are the only reminder of the wartime housing development.60 Social and Cultural Transformations. The Depression and subse­quent world war set in motion significant lifestyle transformations of Davis County residents. Before the war, with people concentrating mostly on economic survival, traditional ways prevailed. During the international conflict, hundreds of citizens fought on the battlefront and thousands more went to work at defense installations. These dis­ruptions exposed people to life outside Utah and altered perspectives at home. During the war, the state's birth rate dropped and divorces became more common. When the veterans came home, Utah's birth rate followed the national trend upward, but at a pace about 25 per­cent higher than the U.S. average. Even though the Utah divorce rate declined after the war, it remained above the national average. The state's ethnic makeup became more diverse, a changed noted in Davis County mostly in the northern communities.61 344 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY Peoples with racial, cultural, and religious backgrounds different from those of Davis County's dominant Latter-day Saint majority were drawn to the region mostly because of economic factors. The cultural roots of most Mormons were firmly planted in British and Scandinavian countries. The new families represented other geo­graphical backgrounds. Most of the Asian, African American, Latin American, and southern European immigrants who arrived in Davis County seeking jobs brought other religious and cultural traditions with them. Their presence created a more cosmopolitan community, but, until the broadening of tolerance in the 1960s, all of the new res­idents faced challenges or prejudices because of their ethnic back­grounds. 62 Even relocated Utah Mormons sometimes found themselves classified by Davis County's old-timers as outsiders. "Protect us from the transients among us," an established farmer prayed from the pulpit of a north Davis LDS meetinghouse in 1944. A transplanted Latter-day Saint mechanic from Park City who was renting a local farmhome while working at the naval base understood the appeal to apply to himself. As soon as housing became available, he moved his family63 Most of the immigrants to northern Davis County overcame such personal affronts and settled in to become permanent residents and contributing citizens. Most of the African Americans who took civilian jobs at the military posts lived in Weber County. In 1942 Ralph Price breached the color barrier to become the first twentieth-century black to settle in Davis County. He was followed by the Leander Henry and James Spinks families. Price was an Army sergeant who oversaw a 250-man construction crew at Hill Field. After his discharge, Price brought his wife, Ruby, and their children to Layton, where they purchased a home. Ruby Price worked at Hill Field and at the Arsenal, where she was a supervisor. After two years' persistence, she received a teaching position in the Davis School District in 1950, becoming the first black teacher in Utah. She taught for twenty-five years and was an active political and religious leader. The African American families who chose to live in Davis County found it difficult to find real estate agents willing to help them buy a home. Sometimes the only way to avoid this prejudice was to work through an Ogden company using multiple-listings.64 CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 345 Japanese immigrants in northwestern Davis County preserved a sense of community in this building, where they educated their own children and attended church. (The Community of Syracuse) Only a few of the immigrants were able to establish their own businesses in Davis County during the middle decades of the century One of those who did was Greek immigrant Peter Photinakas, who o p e r a t e d a p r o d u c e stand on t h e corner of U.S. Highway 91 and Antelope Drive d u r i n g the late 1930s. John and Katherine Alex opened the Hill Villa Market in 1947 a n d o p e r a t e d it for nearly twenty years. Besides groceries, they sold fresh produce from their small farm. In Syracuse, Roy Miya opened a garage in 1949 and oper­ated it for thirty-six years. Excellent mechanics, he and his brother Kazuo worked on the Job Corps fleet.65 A number of Japanese and Greek immigrants got their first jobs working on Oregon Short Line Railroad maintenance crews, but eventually t h e y j o i n e d others who found more satisfying lives as farmworkers. Many fieldhands also found supplementary work at the Layton Sugar Factory. A university student, one K. Ono, whose father was a sharecropper, supervised the workers' camp at the factory. The "K. Ono Camp," as it was known by the workers, became a clearing­house for new Japanese immigrants seeking work.66 Agricultural jobs were easily o b t a i n e d on the farms of n o r th Davis County. Large landholders hired Filipino, Japanese, Greek, and 346 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY Hispanic workers to do the intensive hand work on their sugar beet and vegetable crops. A number of the farmers contracted with immi­grants to operate large parcels as sharecroppers. In turn, many of these sharecroppers hired other immigrants as fieldworkers. As early as 1915, at least two dozen Greek families were working farms in the Layton area. Other immigrants found opportunities in nearby com­munities. When they heard of wartime labor shortages in Davis County's Garden Belt, other Hispanic farmhands relocated from Colorado or New Mexico, where the Depression had deprived them of work. Many of them lived in a worker's camp for Mexican nation­als east of the Hill Field Road on Antelope Drive and were trans­ported to their jobs by local farmers.67 Over time, increasing numbers of Davis County's sharecroppers desired to own the farms they operated for others. At first, many of the Greek and Japanese sharecroppers did not try to buy land, because their dream was to develop resources to return to their homelands. In 1937-38, Ysaburo Yamane, a Japanese man with American citizenship, was among the first of the ethnic immigrants to buy land in Davis County A Layton bank agreed to finance his purchase only when the seller, a Mormon farmer, told the banker, "If you aren't going to help this fellow, I am going to take him to a dif­ferent bank."68 Other Japanese sharecroppers were not as lucky; in part because of the distrust created by the war, their attempts to become landowners in the Layton area during the 1940s were rebuffed. Even with U.S. citizenship, Japanese families faced obsta­cles. Wakichi Imada gave up after twelve years as a sharecropper and moved to West Jordan, where local prejudices did not stand in the way of farm ownership. Experienced Hispanic sharecropper Ralph Lopez bought his own farm in the early 1940s and specialized in chili peppers and tomatoes at his Rancho Lopez.69 The new wave of nonwhite residents of Davis County did what they could to lessen the social stigma and prejudices they faced. Many first-generation settlers struggled because of language barriers, but their children eventually became proficient in English. Even so, at school the children found themselves shunned or embarrassed by their differences. Mexican-American students felt the brunt of stu­dent intolerance. They quickly learned who were their friends and CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 347 Greek immigrant farmers Bill and Pete Manis, standing in front of their West Gentile home in 1930, were among those who established farms in northwestern Davis County. (Layton, Utah: Historic Viewpoints) who to avoid. When other youths called them names, they defended their personal dignity with their fists. Such reactions sometimes got the Hispanic youths in trouble with school officials, who were them­selves not always sensitive to the need for understanding and accom­modation. When ethnic youth were not allowed to join a Little League Baseball program, their spokesmen appealed to the local Community Action Policy Board and then organized two award-winning teams of black, white, and Hispanic youth living in the Anchorage housing unit.70 One way some ethnic people found to make assimilation easier was to adjust their names. Greek immigrants typically shortened their surnames to help the English-speaking residents better accept them; for example, Theodorogianos became Thiros and Alexopolos was shortened to Alex. Japanese immigrant men adopted American nicknames (such as Isamu "Harry" Satomura) for the same reason.71 Most of the ethnic families retained old-world customs and orga­nized their own social groups to help them manage the transition to life in America. George Nabor started the Filipino Association, which attracted farm families as far away as Brigham City for an annual pork barbecue. The Filipino, Japanese, and Greek communities cele- 348 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY brated their own traditional holidays to keep alive the spirit of their ancestral homes. Before World War II closed it, the "K. Ono Camp" at the Layton Sugar Factory was a gathering place for Japanese bazaars and other get-togethers. Greek residents of Davis County looked to Salt Lake City's Greek Orthodox Church for marriages and other reli­gious rites.72 Latinos worked together to form the Spanish Speaking Organization for Community Integrity and Opportunity (SOCIO) in the late 1960s to promote Latino culture and equality in housing.73 A number of the new residents bridged the gap between cultures and pioneered in areas previously restricted to white citizens. Their example helped open opportunities to others who had been denied their rights as citizens. When the Layton Town Board refused to grant Clarence K. Okuda a business license, he opened his Chop Suey Parlor without one. The city threatened to close the parlor, but Okuda obtained a restraining order and was eventually granted his permit. When Okuda moved to California in 1947, Toko Kuroiwa bought the restaurant and renamed it the Layton Noodle Parlor. The Kuroiwa family operated the popular eating place until the mid- 1980s. One successful Latino businessman was Charles Rodardi, Sr., who became lessee of Layton Cold Storage Company after working for a time as a meat cutter with owner B. M. Anderson.74 A number of north Davis Hispanics softened area prejudice through their involvement in government and civil rights projects. Erastus Trujillo worked with a civilian contractor who built the gov­ernment housing at Verdeland Park; he then became maintenance superintendent for that development and for Sahara Village and the Layton Trailer Park. Even though most of the government workers lived in housing apart from the established community, their inter­actions with established residents increased over time. Some new ten­ants noticed preferential treatment being given to the area old-timers at Layton businesses. Housing-project managers worked with local communities to resolve issues of water rights and police protection. After the war, returning veterans occupied some of the units, local residents rented others. In time, friendships developed that help erase the barriers between people of different backgrounds.75 When a chap­ter of the American G.I. Forum was organized in Ogden in 1954, Joe Trujillo formed a Davis County group in Layton, and he later became CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 349 The swimming pool at Lagoon had not been opened to African Americans when this photograph was taken during the July Fourth holiday in 1931. (Utah State Historical Society) chairman of the state organization. The Forum helped Spanish-speaking veterans obtain schooling and jobs. The organization, founded in Texas in 1947, also helped workers obtain improved living conditions at migrant camps and fair pay for their factory and farm work. Sam Trujillo broke the ethnic barrier and became the first Latino to serve on the Layton City Council.76 Through persistence and courage, Davis County's new genera­tion of ethnic pioneers found acceptance and opportunity to become an integral and contributing part of the community-which, in turn, was enriched and broadened by diversity. By 1990 the ethnic compo­nent in Davis County remained a distinct but important minority, accounting for 7.3 percent of the total population. The largest ethnic group in the county was Hispanic, at 3.9 percent. In comparison, Salt Lake and Weber Counties registered 10.2 and 10.4 percent minorities in the census count, the state as a whole had 11 percent, and the United States 27 percent. Because of their minority status, the ethnic 350 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY residents needed and appreciated the help of a number of progres­sive citizens of Davis County who helped to break the color barriers in various public venues. One of these was Lagoon owner Robert E. Freed, who opened the resort's ballroom and swimming pool to African Americans in the late 1940s and who integrated the com­pany's Rainbow Rendezvous ballroom in Salt Lake City. Other busi­nessmen followed, and Ogden City subsequently ended its longstanding discriminatory policies at the city swimming pool. Greater acceptance, tolerance, and understanding were the products of the melding of peoples with differences into a multifaceted com­munity sharing a broadened social perspective.77 Looking back over the first half of the twentieth century must have given many residents of Davis County a sense of relief. They had been part of traumatic national and global events that reshaped the world and left their mark along the Wasatch Front. By the end of World War II, the sense of identity of Davis County citizens had matured as they faced and overcame difficult economic, political, and social challenges. Many residents emerged from the process with a new way of looking at themselves. The population was more diverse and society had become more complex. Many political practices, eco­nomic activities, and social relationships had changed. Utah's com­ing of age as a state had marked the beginning of shifting political patterns; but, more importantly, a state that had shunned a federal presence was now heavily dependent upon military contracts and jobs. New political party affiliations had created divisions within communities as well as political bridges between towns. In addition, as informal communities within the county grew and more of them were incorporated as towns, a civic identity began to replace that of the Mormon ward. Reinforcing that new way of looking at commu­nity was the arrival of people of different ethnic and religious back­grounds. Their contributions toward creating a more cosmopolitan population were more evident in the north but still influenced the county as a whole. Taken together, the political and cultural changes of the early decades of the twentieth century created a new social overlay that reinforced the idea that Davis County consisted of many parts. Those components included religious and political affiliations, place of res- CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 351 idence, occupation, and ethnic background. The county had moved from its nineteenth-century rooting in Mormon culture and had begun the gradual process toward a multifaceted redefinition. It was becoming a county made up of people who saw themselves as mem­bers of several communities at once. Not only were they members of their religious community, their neighborhood, and their family- typical patterns of identification in the nineteenth century-but they had a heightened sense of being part of an incorporated town, social or civic clubs, an ethnic group, an employment circle, and a county. Most residents lived comfortably in their multifaceted world. Many of them placed one segment ahead of another to give their lives an ordered sense of their own worldview. But the world in 1950 was a great deal different than the world had been one hundred years ear­lier, and changes would continue beyond the century's midpoint as other generations faced their own experiences with fresh ways of meeting and solving challenges. ENDNOTES 1. D. Michael Quinn, "The Mormon Church and the Spanish- American War: An End to Selective Pacifism," Pacific Historical Review 43 (August 1974): 342-66; Carol Ivins Collett, Kaysville-Our Town: A History, 119-20; Annie Call Carr, ed., East of Antelope Island: History of the First Fifty Years of Davis County, 500; Margaret Steed Hess, My Farmington: A History of Farmington, Utah, 1847-1976, 396. 2. Thomas Alexander, Utah, The Right Place: The Official Centennial History, 276-79; "Layton Man First WWI Draftee in County," Davis County Clipper, 19 November 1996; Richard C. Roberts, "The Utah National Guard in the Great War, 1917-18," Utah Historical Quarterly 58 (Fall 1990): 314-15, 318, 325-29, 333; memorial plaque, Davis County Courthouse, Farmington. 3. Hess, My Farmington, 395; Leslie T. Foy, The City Bountiful: Utah's Second Settlement from Pioneers to Present, 274; Tom Busselberg, "Social and Cultural Life," in Dan Carlsruh and Eve Carlsruh, eds., Layton, Utah: Historic Viewpoints, 218. 4. Annie Clark Tanner, A Biography of Ezra Thompson Clark (Salt Lake City: Tanner Trust Fund, University of Utah Library, 1975), 45-53. 5. Author's analysis of census data in Utah State Gazetteer, 1918-1919 (Salt Lake City: R.L. Polk, 1918), 392-405. 6. Alexander, Utah, The Right Place, 279, 296, 302, 310. 352 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY 7. Ibid., 296-97. 8. Richard D. Poll, Thomas G. Alexander, Eugene E. Campbell, David E. Miller, eds., Utah's History, 478-79; Foy, City Bountiful, 220. 9. John Kearnes, "Utah, Sexton of Prohibition," Utah Historical Quarterly 47 (Winter 1979): 5-21; Poll et al., Utah's History, 491. 10. Foy, City Bountiful, 310; [Clayton Holt, ed.], The Community of Syracuse, 1820 to 1995: Our Heritage, Centennial Edition, 139. 11. Utah State Road Commission, "Mileage of Roads by Surface Type and Administrative System," 1940, typescript, Utah State Archives; Department of Engineering, Twenty-second Biennial Report of the State Road Commission, 1951-1952," 144-46, Utah State Archives. 12. Foy, City Bountiful, 156-59; Davis County Clipper, 24 June, 28 October 1898. 13. Foy, City Bountiful, 156-63; Farmington City Council, Minutes, 2 April, 7 May, 18 June 1906; Collett, Kaysville-Our Town, 134. 14. Janice P. Dawson, "The Incorporation and Growth of Layton," in Carlsruh and Carlsruh, Layton, Utah, 339-41; Collett, Kaysville-Our Town, 159-61, 164-65. 15. Mary Ellen Smoot and Marilyn Sheriff, The City In-Between: History of Centerville, Utah, 174-76; Holt, Community of Syracuse, 311-12, 321-22; Davis County Clipper, 17 July 1958. 16. Dawson, "East Layton," 349-51; Doneta McGonigle Gatherum, "Laytona," in Carlsruh and Carlsruh, Layton, Utah, 355-57; Davis County Clipper, 17 July 1958. 17. LaRue Hugoe and Edith Deppe, West Bountiful: A Pictorial History, 1848-1988, 345, 348-51, 353-56. 18. Holt, Community of Syracuse, 124; Hess, My Farmington, 14; Foy, City Bountiful, 219, 230; Lee D. Bell, South Weber: The Autobiography of One Utah Community, 427-33; Smoot and Sheriff, City In-Between, 120. 19. Holt, Community of Syracuse, 114-16, 387; Doneta McGonigle Gatherum, "Layton Elementary: The Beginning of Graded Schools and Consolidation," in Carlsruh and Carlsruh, Layton, Utah, 141-47; Foy, City Bountiful, 83, 203-5; Hugoe and Deppe, West Bountiful, 98-99. 20. Hess, My Farmington, 351; Bell, South Weber, 213; Smoot and Sheriff, City In-Between, 74-76; Collett, Kaysville-Our Town, 62, 117; Arlene H. Eakle, Adelia Baird, and Georgia Weber, Woods Cross: Patterns and Profiles of a City, 45; Holt, Community of Syracuse, 144-45. 21. L. R. Humpherys, ed., Utah-Resources and Activities (Salt Lake City: Utah Department of Public Instruction, 1933), 221-22. 22. Holt, Community of Syracuse, 146-47; Collett, Kaysville-Our CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 353 Town, 139; Gatherum, "Layton Elementary," 147; "Deseret News, 19 October 1963. 23. Foy, City Bountiful, 206-9; Hugoe and Deppe, West Bountiful, 139; Humpherys, Utah-Resources and Activities, 231. 24. Alexander, Utah, The Right Place, 311; Leonard J. Arrington, "Utah's Great Drought of 1934," Utah Historical Quarterly 54 (Summer 1986): 245-64. 25. Alexander, Utah, The Right Place, 313-15. 26. Ibid., 316-20, 323. For additional information see Wayne K. Hinton, "The Economics of Ambivalence: Utah's Depression Experience," Utah Historical Quarterly 54 (Summer 1986): 268-85, and R. Thomas Quinn, "Out of the Depression's Depths: Henry H. Blood's First Year as Governor," Utah Historical Quarterly 54 (Summer 1986): 216-39. 27. A. Russell Croft and Reed W. Bailey, Mountain Water (Ogden: U.S. Department of Agriculture, 1964), 45; A. Russell Croft, Rainstorm Debris Floods: A Problem in Public Welfare (Tucson: University of Arizona, 1967), 3, 15; Andrew M. Honker, "'Been Grazed Almost to Extinction': The Environment, Human Action, and Utah Flooding, 1900-1940," Utah Historical Quarterly 67 (Winter 1999): 36-37, 40-41. 28. Honker, "Utah Flooding," 35-39; Joshua H. Paul and F.S. Baker, "The Floods of 1923 in Northern Utah," Bulletin of the University of Utah 15, no. 3 (March 1925): 3-20. 29. Croft and Bailey, Mountain Water, 46; Honker, "Utah Flooding," 42-44; Bernard DeVoto, "Restoration in the Wasatch," The American Scholar (Autumn 1949): 428. 30. Honker, "Utah Flooding," 42-45; Croft and Bailey, Mountain Water, 25, 32-34; Croft, Rainstorm Debris Floods, 24-25. 31. Croft and Bailey, Mountain Water, 46; Croft, Rainstorm Debris Floods, 28. 32. Croft and Bailey, Mountain Water, 30-31, 55-57. 33. Kenneth W. Baldridge, "Reclamation Work of the Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942," Utah Historical Quarterly 39 (Summer 1971): 265-70; Deseret News, 15 April 1990; Beth R. Olsen, "Utah's CCCs: The Conservators' Medium for Young Men, Nature, Economy, and Freedom," Utah Historical Quarterly 62 (Summer 1994): 262-63; Hugoe and Deppe, West Bountiful, 268-69; Weekly Reflex, 19 September 1940. 34. Twila Van Leer, "CCC Camp Changed Utah-and Lives of Workers," Deseret News, 8 August 1995; Olsen, "Utah's CCCs," 264-65; Gingery, "Watershed Terraces." 35. Poll et al., Utah's History, 509. List of women provided by Utah 354 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY State Historical Society; those who died are listed in a 1996 Centennial Legacy memorial at the Davis County Courthouse. 36. Weekly Reflex, 16 October 1941. 37. See County Agent Annual Report, 1942 (Farmington, Utah: Davis County Extension Service, 1943). 38. Jessie L. Embry, "Fighting the Good Fight: The Utah Home Front during World War II," Utah Historical Quarterly 63 (Summer 1995): 242-65; Holt, Community of Syracuse, 338-39. 39. Holt, Community of Syracuse, 337-38; Ralph A. Busco and Douglas D. Alder, "German and Italian Prisoners of War in Utah and Idaho," Utah Historical Quarterly 39 (Winter 1971): 57 n., 62-69. 40. Antonette Chambers Noble, "Utah's Defense Industries and Workers in World War II," Utah Historical Quarterly 59 (Fall 1991): 367-69. 41. Thomas G. Alexander, "Ogden's 'Arsenal of Democracy,' 1920-1955," Utah Historical Quarterly 33 (Summer 1965): 237-47. 42. Noble, "Utah's Defense Industries," 368; Christensen, "Impact of World War II," 500; Collett, Kaysville-Our Town, 165-68. 43. Leonard J. Arrington, Thomas G. Alexander, and Eugene A. Erb, Jr., "Utah's Biggest Business: Ogden Air Materiel Area at Hill Air Force Base, 1938-1965," Utah Historical Quarterly 33 (Winter 1965): 9-21. 44. Ibid., 22-31; Leonard J. Arrington and John G. Perry," Utah's Spectacular Missile Industry: Its History and Impact," Utah Historical Quarterly 30 (Winter 1962): 9-11, 35-36. 45. Kent Day, "The Impact of Hill Air Force Base," in Carlruh and Carlruh, Layton, Utah, 399; Leonard I. Arrington and Archer L. Durham, "Anchors Aweigh in Utah: The U.S. Naval Supply Depot at Clearfield, 1942-1962," Utah Historical Quarterly 31 (Spring 1963): 109-17. 46. Arrington and Durham, "Anchors Aweigh," 118-23. 47. Ibid., 115-26; Collett, Kaysville-Our Town, 170-71. 48. Leonard J. Arrington and Thomas G. Alexander, "Supply Hub of the West: Defense Depot Ogden, 1941-1964," Utah Historical Quarterly 32 (Spring 1964): 99-121; Noble, "Utah's Defense Industries," 367-68. 49. Christensen, "The Impact of World War II," 498-504; Reflex, 12 February 1942. 50. Noble, "Utah's Defense Industries," 371-74; Holt, Community of Syracuse, 335-38; Arrington and Alexander, "Supply Hub of the West," 104-5; Arrington and Durham, "Anchors Aweigh," 113-15; Joel Passey, "Ethnic Groups," in Carlsruh and Carlsruh, Layton, Utah, 364-65, 371, 378. 51. Holt, Community of Syracuse, 335-38; Arrington and Alexander, CONFRONTING NEW WORLDS 355 "Supply Hub of the West," 104-5; Noble, "Utah's Rosies: Women in the Utah War Industries during World War II," Utah Historical Quarterly 59 (Spring 1991): 126-30. 52. County Agent Annual Report, 1942. See also reports for 1944, 1945, and 1946. 53. Holt, Community of Syracuse, 335-36; Day, "Impact of Hill Air Force Base," 400; Ross Poore and Stephen Ronnenkamp, "Government Housing Projects," in Carlruh and Carlruh, Layton, Utah, 407-9; Noble, "Utah's Defense Industries," 374-75; Arrington, Alexander, and Erb, "Utah's Biggest Business," 14, 19. 54. Poore and Ronnenkamp, "Government Housing Projects," 407-9, 411-13. 55. Davis County: Land of Peace, Beauty, and a Quality Life (Davis School District, 1994), 11, 33; Gatherum, "Layton Elementary," 147. 56. Noble, "Utah's Rosies," 130-38, 142-45. 57. Ibid., 139-41; Kimberley A. Bartel, Davis County: A Demographic and Economic Profile (Salt Lake City: Utah Department of Employment Security, 1996), 26. 58. Carmen Daines Fredrickson, The Impact of Women Leaders of Davis County on a Changing Order, Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin 406 (Logan: Utah State University, 1959), 4-10, 17-18, 21-25. 59. Day, "Impact of Hill Air Force Base," 402, 404; Poore and Ronnenkamp, "Government Housing Projects," 412, 416. 60. Day, "Impact of Hill Air Force Base," 402, 404; Poore and Ronnenkamp, "Government Housing Projects," 412, 417-19; Deseret News, 26 January 1965, 8A. 61. Christensen, "Impact of World War II," 508-9, 512. 62. Passey, "Ethnic Groups," 363-93. 63. The story was shared with the author during an informal conversa­tion in the late 1960s. 64. Passey, "Ethnic Groups," 386-90. 65. Ibid., 379; Holt, Community of Syracuse, 357. 66. Passey, "Ethnic Groups," 363-65. 67. Ibid., 365, 370-71, 380-81. 68. Ibid., 366, 372. 69. Ibid., 366, 382. 70. Ibid., 368, 376-77, 383-85. 71. Ibid. 369. 72. Ibid., 364-65, 368-77. 356 HISTORY OF DAVIS COUNTY 73. Alexander, Utah, The Right Place, 391. 74. Passey, "Ethnic Groups," 367-68, 382. 75. Ibid., 382-83; Day, "Impact of Hill Air Force Base," 402. 76. Passey, "Ethnic Groups," 384-85. 77. Alexander, Utah, The Right Place, 390; Bartel, Davis County: A Demographic and Economic Profile, 10-11; Day, "Impact of Hill Air Force Base," 402; Poore and Ronnenkamp, "Government Housing Projects," 412, 418-19.