| OCR Text |
Show APPENDIX. IN confirmation of the statement contained in the text, I give here some extracts from Mr. W cbster's too famous 7th of March speech, (1850.) It has been attempted to glorify this speech by gi\'llng to it the title "For the Constitution and the Union." Less grandiloquently, perhaps, but qnite as truthfully, it might have been entitled "A job for the presidential chair." As if to magnify the sacrifice he was about to make to the slnvc~holding Moloch, the orator prefaces his declaration of ndhesiou to the fugitive bill of 1850, "with all its provisions to the fullest extent," by some historical statements, such as mig-ht rather have justified an indiO'n_ rmt opposit!on to tha~ disgmceful piece of slave-holding legist:. t10n, and wh1ch even g1ves color to the conje~turc that a large part of that famous speech was prepared before Mr. Webster bud quite made up hi~ mind to barter away his voice, and vote, and pertnanent reputo.bon for the chance of southern votes in the presidential caucus. "Let us consider for a moment," says Mr. \Vebster, "what was the state of sentiment north and south in regnrd to slavery at the time when this constitution was adopted. A remarkable change has taken place since; but what did the wise and great men of all parts of the country think of slavery then? In what estimation did ~hey hold it at the time when this constitution was adopted? It wt\1 be found, sir, if we carry ourselves by historical research back l<? that. d.ay, and ascertain men's opinions by authentic recor~ s. sull ex1stmg among us, that there was then no diversity of opuuon between the North and the South on the subject of slavery. [This is rather overstating the matter. 'fherc was at the time of the convention, and in the convention, a zealous pro-slavery party, but it consisted exclusively of Citizens of Georgia und thP. Ctlrolinas.] It will be found that both parts of the country held it equally nn evil, a moral and politicl\l evil. It will not be found that either at the North or the South there was much, though there was some, invective against slavery as inl:mman and cruel. The great ground of objection to it was political; that it we~kened the social fabric ; that, taking the place of free labor, soc1ety became less strong, and labor less productive; and therefore we find, from all the eminent men of tllC time, the clearest (304) Al'PENDTX. 305 expression of their opinion that slavery is nn evil. . . . The emment ~e~, the most eminent men, rmd nea rly all the conspicuous poht1C1ans of the South, held the same sentiments· tha.t slavery wa.s an evil, a blig ht, a scourge, and a curse. There' were no terms of reprobation of slavery 80 vehement, in the North at tha~ day., as in the South. The North was not so much excited agamst 1t as the ~outh, and the reason is, ( ~;npposc, that there w~s much less of It at the North, and the people did not see or thmk they saw, the evils so prominently as they were seen ' or tltOutrht to be seen, at the South. ' • 11 T~cn, sir, when this constitution was framed, this was the light m wluch the l"ederal convention viewed it, fl. e. slavery]. That body reflected the ~udgment ami sentiments of the great men of the South. The questmn then was, how to deal with it and how to deal with it as an evil. They cam~ to t~is general resul't. They thouj!ht that slavery could not be conllnned tn the country, if the importation of slaves were made to cease; and, therefore, they provided that after n certain period, the importation might be prevented by the act ~f the new government. • . . It may not be improper here to allude to that, ( had almost said, celebrated opinion of Mr. Madison. You observe, sir. that the term &lave, or &lavery, is not used in the constitution. ~he constitution do~s not require that 'fugitive slaves 1 s hall be delivered up. It reqmres that persons held to service in one state and escapin~ into another, shall be delivered up. 1\fr. Mndiso~ o~po~ed the mtrodu.ction of the. term &lll;ve, or slavenJ, into the constttutton; for he saul that he d1d not w1sh to see it recognized by the constitution of the United States of America, that there could be property in men. "Now, sir., all t.his took place in the convention of 1787 ; but, ~onnected wtth t.~1s, concurre~t and contemporaneous, is another Jn1portant transactiOn, not suflictcntly attended to. The convention for framing this constitution assembled in Philadelphia in May, and sat until September, 1787. During all that time, the Congress of the United States was in session in New York. • . . At th~ very ~im~ when the conv~ntion in Philadelphia was framing th1s const1tullon, the Congress m New Ybrk was framinrr the ordinance of l787 for the organization a.nd government of tl~e territory north-west of the Ohio. They passed that ordinance on the J:Jth of July, 1787, at New York, the very month, perhaps the very day, on which these questions about the importation of slaves nnd the character of slavery were debated in the convention at Philadelphia. So far as we can now learn, there was a perfect concurrence of opinion between these two bodies; and it resulted in this ordinance of J 787! excl11ding slavery from all the territory over which the C<?ngress of the United States had jurisdiction. • • . Three thmgs are quite clear, as historical truths. One is, that there was an expectation, that on the ceasing of the importn.tion of slaves from Africa, slavery would begin to run out here. 'flmt was hoped and expected. Another is, that, as far as there wa.s any power in 26' |
