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Show Hinckley Journal of Politics 2005 tural tradition stemmed from a general lack of interest in the Jewish faith by younger generations. He pointed to increasing cultural assimilation and the declining attendance at synagogues as evidence that Jews were being lost to Christianity, non-religion, and "nothingism" (de Hass 1901, 11-13). Zionism would serve to bring a newfound cohesion for Jewish religion and tradition. Additionally, Jews in Europe were forced to live in poverty as persecution and the industrial revolution left many of them without work (de Hass 1901, 19-20). Overall, though, de Hass framed Zionism as a movement to gather a people who had become decentralized and disenfranchised (de Hass 1901, 35). The Messianic element of Zionism-the belief that the re-establishment of Zion is necessary before the Advent of the Messiah who will bring Israel out of bondage-was arguably a secondary facet to the overall push for a Jewish nation-state. For example, Allison states that the exact place for a Jewish nation, Palestine, was not "unquestioned" at the beginning of the movement (Allison 1996). In fact, de Hass's treatise on Zionism mentions the Messianic prophecies regarding Palestine only after the plight of the Jews is outlined in terms of their political, economic, and religious well-being. He mentions both Canada and the United States as possible gathering locations "in case of a possible emergency," but anti-Semitism's far-reaching effects are cited as reasons why these options are less-desirable (de Hass 1901, 26). Chaim Weizmann, later Israel's first president, was instrumental in making Palestine the preferred choice, and this was encouraged by Britain's Balfour Declaration in 1917 (Allison 1996). The purpose for the Jews' Zionist movement was not so much that Zion needed to be reclaimed, but that Israel needed a homeland, a gathering place, a nation. The biblical Zion-Jerusalem-seemed to be a convenient place for a Jewish nation-state, dovetailing perfectly with the secondary religious objectives of the movement. This community of place would be a land of political freedom and empowerment for the Jewish people, where they could renew and maintain their traditions and religion as a cohesive group, and where poverty would be abolished and memories of the European ghettos would be stamped out. Jews were encouraged to relocate to Palestine from the time of the first Zionist Conference, and small groups continued to emigrate for decades. Allison points to the intense persecution and extermination of Jews during World War II as finally legitimizing Jews' need for a nation-state, "the only place where Jews might feel safe from persecution" (Allison 1996). The Zionists' were rewarded with just that in 1948 when Israel was officially formed and all Jews were granted the right to emigrate if they so desired. Since this time, the Zionist movement can be seen as supporting the continued existence of a sovereign Jewish nation. And just as the reasons for returning to Palestine varied, so does the current ideological spectrum of those who today espouse Zionism: both religious and secular Zionists exist, as well as capitalist and socialist ones (Allison 1996). But common to all these Zionists is the holy land where their community is now based. The idea of sacred place being central to a community of religious believers is not exclusive to Judaism. Strands of "Zionist" tendencies are evident in many religious faiths. Muslims are required by a tenet of belief to make the hajj to Mecca, the faith's holiest city, at least once in their lifetime. Henrie describes how "the Puritans had appreciated Massachusetts and Connecticut as a divinely established 'promised land,' as a base for the cleansing of the world," but notes that this sect's perception of New England as such a place died out when they did (1972, 1). United States history has also seen millennialist sects like the Anabaptists and Millerites who believe in the institution of a Christian Zion. But it is the Mormons who stand out as having arguably been the "most literal in their treatment of the Zionic concept in connection with Christianity" (Henrie 1972, 52). Mormon Zionism: An Evolution The only way to really sift through and understand the varying Mormon conceptions of Zion is to recognize that obviously more than one idea of Zion was and has been entertained over the years at the same time. While one facet was the object of focus, others were not necessarily discarded, but rather placed on a shelf temporarily for later use and application. Robert L. Millet5 The Mormon conception of Zion, and Mormonism's quest to establish Zion as a community of place, both parallels and deviates from the Jewish experience. Olsen maintains that from its earliest inception, the LDS faith has embraced some form of Zionism (qtd. in Millet 1985, 32). For instance, the LDS book of scripture the Book of Mormon was published in 1830, the same year that the Church was officially organized. Disregarding the book's several passages that quote Isaiah with reference to Zion, we find that it also contains several original mentions of the concept. Millet notes that overall, Zion is "seen to be much broader than the Old Testament city of Jerusalem" (1985, 25). For instance, he states that several passages seem to describe a community or society of believers, while another designates "Zion as a place: the land of America" (1985, 25). Reinforcing Smith's vision of Zion, and its prominence in Mormon theology and practice, is the account of the City of Enoch or Zion found in Mormon scripture (Arrington, Fox, and May 1976, 20). Not long after the publication of the Book of lAormon, Smith proceeded with an "inspired translation" of the Bible in June, 1830. This involved making "corrections" to the texts of the Old and New Testaments solely by inspired guidance, and without the aid of original texts (Smith 1978, 98-101; 131-39). In the commencement of this 5 In "The Development of the Concept of Zion in Mormon Theology." 246-7. |
