A History of Salt Lake County

The World Moves In, 1860-1 880

As the Salt Lake Valley's settlements became productive, its des-tiny quickly aligned with its early identity as a crossroads. Periodically-perhaps since ancient times-an influx of people would energize its economy, society, and culture, bringing or even forcing change. By 1860 the valley had deliberately attracted an abun-dance of professional and skilled labor, which drew additional com-merce; Salt Lake County also offered an ample array of raw materials and consumer goods. Then as news spread that the Paiutes' shining mountains gleamed with more than sunlight, newcomers multiplied in the valley, eager to mine the Oquirrh and the Wasatch ranges. Ironically, the goldseekers, the army, the Overland Trail and Overland Mail, and then the proliferating mines supported and repeatedly rescued the determined Mormon struggle for an autonomous Zion. Yet these forces simultaneously destroyed self-suf-ficiency as both means and end, figuratively dismantling the walls around the kingdom. As Brigham Young witnessed threats to Deseret, he wielded every financial, political, and religious weapon available to resist the world's invasion. He did accept the future, however, when embodied by the telegraph, the railroad, and electric and gas utilities. Even though Brigham realized that each would bring further change, he correctly surmised that cooperation might give the Mormons a strong influ-ence over the inevitable. Meanwhile the split between the Mormon leadership and incom-ing merchants yawned as the outnumbered non-Mormons were bol-stered by clergy, politicians, and growing affluence. The Mormons resisted relinquishing another sanctuary by disbanding their eco-nomic monopoly and political majority; however, the newcomers insisted on two-party elections, competitive trade, free public schools, and a pluralistic society and presented a powerful case to the federal government. The retrenchment ordered by the threatened Mormon leadership only amplified the non-Mormons' protests of autocracy, as they, too, struggled to survive. During these decades, virtually everything became labeled by religion-newspapers, celebrations, banks, busi-nesses, railroads, and schools. One prominent visitor, Sir Richard Burton, observed that three consistent explanations arose for each event: "that of the Mormons, which is invariably one-sided; that of the Gentiles, which is sometimes fair and just; and that of the anti- Mormons which is always prejudiced and violent."' While this war of worlds was economic and political, it soon spun on the very dagger that threatened the local non-Mormons least but proved their most effective weapon. They ensured that polygamy became a national issue, one the federal government could not ignore; however, no matter how pressured, the Mormon leadership believed plural marriage to be a holy ordinance that they could nei-ther compromise nor disavow. From 1860-80 the ideological conflict reflected in tangible ways valleywide. Salt Lake City's gardenlike squares subdivided into a more crowded and jumbled metropolis. Banks, theaters, mansions, and col-leges appeared, and recreational options increased. The nature of the outlying settlements changed. Mining camps such as Alta and Bingham became towns; Murray and Sandy became hubs for farm-ing, granite cutting, mining, and soon local smelting. Now frontier living lay mainly in the southwest lands where thirsty communities This "panoramic view" of Salt Lake City appeared in Harper's Weekly on 4 September 1869. (Utah State Historical Society) such as Granger, Hunter, and West and South Jordan sought the steady water supply needed for growth. Communication claimed a powerful role in this era. Messages flew between Salt Lake County and Washington, amplified by a polarized media and inflamed by pulpit-thumping sermons. Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish congregations gained steady footholds in the valley, and education gained the sponsorship of var-ious denominations, some of which raised funds in the East. Life in the Salt Lake Valley changed as significantly during these decades as during the settlement phase, as national attention increased. The nature of the conflicts and the growth centered here ensured that when a solution to the "Utah problem" finally arrived, it could not be wholly claimed by either side. The line drawn indeli-bly, if invisibly, in the valley's dust marked a division, yet also joined both sides and their future. During the 1860s the Salt Lake Valley felt the impact of a resident army even more strongly than in the few years previous. Camp Floyd south of Salt Lake County's borders looked to Salt Lake City as a hub of business and entertainment. So often did the soldiers ride their steeds along Seventeenth West, sometimes driving cattle before them, that residents complained bitterly of property damage. To stop the complaints, the troops built a fence of California redwood, which changed the street's name to Redwood Road.' The soldiers' visits spurred trade in prostitution downtown and encouraged the sale of liquor to the point that Main Street was nick-named Whiskey Street.3 The city began to operate a distillery, grant-ing itself the exclusive right to sell liquor. The city council informed Young in June 1863 that the liquor business alone brought in more revenue than all city taxes. By 1871 a liquor license in Salt Lake City cost $750 dollars per month as compared with $56 per year in Chicago. Finally the Territorial Supreme Court ruled that the imbal-ance represented an illegitimate exercise of the city's power.4 All day on 4 April 1861 the skies rained, hailed, and snowed, as if unleashing a portent. That evening the Pony Express raced into town with news that Fort Sumter had been fired on. With the outbreak of the Civil War, the army was summoned away from Camp Floyd, but the federal government proved loathe to leave the Mormons unob-served. In the first telegraph sent from the Great Basin, in October 186 1, Young assured the world of the territory's loyalty to the Union: "Utah has not seceded," he wrote, "but is firm for the Constitution and laws of our once-happy ~ountry."~ Yet in a nation split by war, some in Washington feared that the Utah Territory might align with the South. The Mormons had a his-tory of dissatisfaction with the federal government, and they had legalized slavery. The Overland Mail and Overland Telegraph pro-vided an excuse for sending another federal contingent to the valley, even though Young insisted the Mormons could guard the new com-munications system. Already he had lent significant support to the stringing of 1,600 miles of telegraph line. By 1865 the Deseret Telegraph would be under construction, and a school of telegraphy would open in Salt Lake City, attracting a student body of young men from towns all along its proposed route. Nevertheless, President Abraham Lincoln called for volunteers, and Colonel Patrick E. Connor was appointed to head the Third California Volunteer Infantry. Advised to keep an eye on the Mormons as well as protect the wire, Connor marched his troops across the Jordan River at the White Bridge (at about North Temple Street) in October 1862. He opined that they entered a "community of traitors, murders, fanatics, and whore^."^ The Valley Tan had publicized the ores in Salt Lake County's canyons, and Connor saw mining as a rewarding venture in more than one respect. Not only did the potential for personal enrichment exist, but he explained that a gold rush to the Salt Lake Valley would overwhelm "the Mormons by mere force of numbers . . . without the loss of a single soldier in ~onflict."~ Not surprisingly, the Mormon leadership viewed Connor's troops as armed rowdies sent by a federal government that had betrayed their efforts and friendship once again. Furthermore, Young had long decried mining as a mercenary and divisive venture, likely to attract to Zion the very elements the church preferred to live with-out. Now proof arrived. Connor lacked the tact or the intention of striking camp outside the LDS stronghold, but established Camp Douglas (named for the late Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, whom Lincoln had defeated) on the eastern foothills above the site designated for the university. The soldiers quickly built dugouts, for winter approached, but with spring, log structures went up, replaced by red sandstone buildings in the mid- 1870s.' It readily became apparent that the soldiers burned with acute strains of the "war fever" that afflicted the nation, and other non- Mormons were stricken nearly as hard. To them the Mormons appeared traitorous since they viewed the war from an emotional dis-tance. The horror and chaos, in fact, seemed the apocalypse the Mormons expected to herald Christ's return, and the ghost Govern-ment of Deseret stood ready to govern if the Union c~llapsed.~ Since Connor limited the troops' role to that of an occupying force, the Mormons justified maintaining the Nauvoo Legion at 13,000 strong until the Black Hawk War ended in the late 1860s. Overall, mining would be left to soldiers and other non-Mormons; yet some Mormons also became involved as shown by a small and early alliance. As picks and pans proliferated in Bingham Canyon, a Mormon group under Connor's direction located the West Jordan Mine and formed the Jordan Silver Mining Company. Before long, army per-sonnel noted two other claims. On 17 September 1863, fifty-two people met at the West Jordan wardhouse and formed the West Mountain Quartz Mining District which claimed (in vain) the entire Oquirrh Range.'' The four miners reported in the 1860 census grew to more than five hundred by the 1870 count. By 1880 one visitor described Salt Lake City "as the Main Street of one large mining campe7'l The united and communal lifestyle established in the valley began to erode. The Miners' National Bank of Salt Lake City was chartered on 3 March 1866, with $1 50,000 in capital, by midwestern freighters William Kiskadden and John F. Nounan. In 1869 the bank's increased assets of more than $400,000 were taken over by the First National Bank of Utah, under the partnership of Warren Hussey, a Colorado gold broker and land agent, and Charles Dahler, the Denver agent of Ben Holladay's Overland Stage Line. The bank failed due to a mining slump during the Panic of 1873. Boise banker B. M. DuRell founded the third national bank in the territory. His Salt Lake City National Bank of Utah, however, was voluntarily liquidated after four years.12 The Deseret National Bank appeared in 187 1, a "Mormon bank" with Young as president. Although far more conventional than the General Tithing Office, this bank's partnership evolved through the church's cooperative effort, and the bank supported church goals. The founders included prominent merchant William Hooper, also a territorial delegate to Congress, and church leader and merchant Horace S. Eldredge, as well as their bookkeeper, Lewis S. Hills. After the other banks failed, Deseret became the only national bank in the territory. l3 However, a number of private banks also appeared including the Walker Brothers Banking Company, McCornick and Company, and Wells, Fargo and Company which purchased Holladay's Overland Stage Line, among other interests. Between 1864 and 1880, thirty-four banking institutions operated within the territory, most pri-vately owned. Well before the Deseret Bank was founded, Young and other church leaders bore down on financial competitors. In 1857, the year the Utah Expedition began, one Mormon had expressed the general view to a congregation: "Like blood-suckers, all [non-Mormons] want is our money; they have never written a letter to the States to rebut a single falsehood or misrepresentation."14 The power that complaints about Mormonism held in Congress became apparent when the Morrill Anti-Bigamy law passed in 1862. It established penalties against the practice and severely limited the property the church could hold. However, the law was quickly coun-tered in the valley through changes in the territorial laws and the transfer of church property to Brigham Young. Quickly handled or not, the Morrill law and the local influences behind it did little to soften the Mormon leadership toward non- Mormon competition. In 1864 the churchmen took extreme mea-sures, meeting in convention to establish price controls. In 1865 they went further, urging the Mormon population to boycott non- Mormon establishments so that financial ruin would drive the com-petitors from the valley. Independent merchants, accustomed to laissez faire capitalism, already objected to the church's regulations and to the deferential customs that "in effect, subordinated business to religion.'' In their eyes, "the rigid personal and business code of Mormonism was a symbol of puritanical superstition and an invitation to open resis-tance." 15 Although church leaders offered to enfold the capitalists within the Mormon system, most independent merchants wished to be enfolded no more than they wanted to be quashed. They con-cluded that Young was a tyrant, and the church a coercive and grow-ing monopoly. Even LDS merchants had to display their loyalty sufficiently in Young's mind. The four Walker brothers had played a major role in the business and banking community since their arrival in 1852. When visited by a church emissary, J. R. Walker wrote a check for $500 to aid the poor. The bishop informed him that Brigham Young would not accept this donation in lieu of a 10 percent tithe; if they refused to tithe, he would cut them off from the church. "Whereupon J.R. Walker tore the check to bits in front of the bishop and said, 'Cut away.'" The Walker brothers thus joined the ranks of non-Mormon merchants. l6 In contrast, millionaire William Jennings converted to the Mormon faith and "parlayed his goods into a prospering business," which extended from freighting and cattle industries to selling Utah produce and manufactured items both wholesale and retail. In 1865 Jennings built the Eagle Emporium, reported to take in $2 million per year.17 Frederick Auerbach offered a third approach to the divide between Mormons and merchants. This Jewish entrepreneur, who had sold goods from a tent in Rabbit Creek, California, drove a wag-onload of merchandise into Salt Lake City in 1864. He called on Young, who accompanied Auerbach down Main Street to find a site for a shop. Young selected a shack occupied by a carpenter who was urged to move to the rear of the building and to build some shelves for Auerbach at the front.18 Brothers Fred and Samuel Auerbach stocked the shelves with goods ranging from hats, fabric, trim, and menswear to wallpaper, furnishings, mining gear, and farm tools. Their doors opened by or before dawn, and fur pelts, gold dust, tithing scrip, and greenbacks were all accepted over the counter. Young's welcome to Auerbach exemplified a mellowing that he more often showed to the federal government as the decade advanced. His closest counselors changed, and he softened his pub-lic statements regarding autonomy and government, particularly after the Union won the Civil War in 1865. The peace agreement "jolted Utah only less than the South," for the war had preoccupied Washington lawmakers to the point that they left Utah policy irres-olute. 19 On a religious level, the expected apocalypse had vanished and Deseret had not been tapped for leadership; now Mormon lead-ers must deal with mundane problems from a more conventional viewpoint. Despite this adjustment for the majority, the valley's African- American residents-numbered at twenty-four free people and twenty-six slaves in 1850-rejoiced. During the early years, the slaves met in a hall on State Street, opposite the future site of the City and County Building, to discuss their condition. They would "gaze in wonderment at the lofty mountains, which reared their snowy peaks heaven-ward, and completely forbade them from ascertaining how they could make their escape back to the South, or to more congenial climes," reported the Broad Ax, a black community newspaper. "For we were assured that their lives in the then new wilderness, [were] far from being happy, and many of them were subjected to the same treatment that was accorded the plantation Negroes of the S~uth."~' Two early residents, Mr. and Mrs. Alex Bankhead, apprised the newspaper of the "joyful expressions which were upon the faces of all the slaves when they ascertained they had acquired their freedom through the fortunes of war."21 In the post-war period, the LDS church assumed a "shrewdly conceived and ably conducted public relations program" which placed the church in a position of "superior virtue" as represented by Young and the delegates he sent to Congress. If the negative image forming nationwide could be reversed, the church believed its origi-nal goal of home rule would become more attainable.** By the decade's end, however, the church's pressure on indepen-dent merchants only intensified. In 1869 Young directed the Saints to cease trading with "unfriendly" and "profiteering" merchants, and specified an alternative. The Zion's Cooperative Mercantile Institution encompassed Jennings's Eagle Emporium along with his wealth and ability and also incorporated the stock and assets of other subscribing merchants and investors. A retail cooperative opened in each ward or village, and church-owned factories endeavored to pro-vide all consumer goods. Enforced by social pressure and even church discipline and led by the church's best financial talent, the doctrine of self-sufficiency finally became a practical reality. ZCMI flourished, . and Jennings was elected Salt Lake City mayor in 1882." Confronted now by what seemed certain ruin, some independent merchants managed to sell their enterprises to the church. Soon even that option vanished, for Young rejected offers from twenty-two busi-ness owners. Losses mounted in the non-Mormon sector, and some businesses failed entirely. Complicating this situation and the antipathy it aroused was the fact that the Mormons had ceded vast water and timber rights to the The Salt Lake Theatre allowed Salt Lake County residents to enjoy many of the nation's stars and popular dramas. This photograph was taken during the play "Lightning Express," ca. 1900. (LDS Church Archives) church for community-wide oversight. They also had settled undeeded tracts as their personal property. Even after territorial courts arrived in Utah in 1851, and the long process of sorting legal entitlement began, the Mormons managed to evade the federal courts. Not only were judicial precincts (which oversaw elections, irrigation, and so on) drawn along ward boundaries, but the Territorial Assembly found a legal means of sending most cases to the probate courts, solidly under Mormon control.24 From time to time violence broke out over property claims and even resulted in casualties. Again, a sense of justice depended upon which version of rightful ownership prevailed. As at least two non- Mormons "involved in these feuds were killed and the criminals never brought to justice," fear compounded the non-Mormons' frus-trations. As a result, "All of this and more was reported in Washington as evidence that the Mormons had set up a 'theocracy' disloyal to the United Not surprisingly, the literature produced within the valley dur- The domed Tabernacle features a pipe organ, remarkable acoustics and is the home of the Mormon Tabernacle Choir. The unusual structure has been visited by a variety of guest speakers, including ministers and politicians, and, since its completion in 1867, has housed the semi-annual LDS general conferences. (LDS Church Archives) ing these decades fell short of achieving literary value due to the zeal or vitriol that infused each sentence. Expatriate Mormons, such as T.B.H. and Fanny Stenhouse, and friendly non-Mormons, such as Elizabeth Kane, fared best in print. Meanwhile, artists such as John Hafen, Louis Pratt, and John Fairbanks studied in Paris with LDS church support and returned to later paint murals in the Salt Lake temple, as well filling canvases. Also, photographers Charles W. Carter, Charles R. Savage, Marsena Cannon, and George E. Anderson used the new technology of light and film to record the many visible changes in structures and life way^.^^ Throughout these decades, the struggle was expressed and some-times fueled by sermons on both sides. Among non-Mormons, the Protestants were especially confrontive. The Reverend Norman McLeod, a fiery Congregationalist, led out, convening his flock on New Year's Day 1864 at Daft's Hall. McLeod's spellbinding skills drew crowds including some Mormons, and his anti-Mormon tone was quickly adopted by other ministers. He became the main force behind the building of an adobe Independence Hall on Third South and Main streets, used for numerous non-Mormon functions. He later left the ministry to edit the Utah Vedette, an unsuccessful attempt to replace Connor's Union V e d e ~ e . ~ ~ The Reverend Daniel S. Tuttle arrived in 1867, establishing the Episcopal Church in Utah as well as in Montana and Idaho. That same year, the Episcopal mission secured a rundown adobe bowling alley on the east side of Main Street between Second and Third South streets and founded St. Mark's School, the first non-Mormon day school in the territory. Soon outgrowing its original quarters, St. Mark's moved several times before gaining its own building in 1873. Rowland Hall, a boarding school for girls, quickly evolved from the grammar scho01.~' "Apostate Mormons hailed with delight the opening of our schools and gladly sent us their children, willingly paying for their instruction if they were able to do so," Tuttle related. "Even some of the orthodox Mormons sent their children. They said they wanted their children to get a good education," and could see to it themselves that their children did not "embrace the heresies of the mission For a time the Episcopal Church allowed the Methodists to meet in its edifice to hear the sermons of the Reverend A. N. Fisher, D.D., Bishop Calvin Kingsley, and the Reverend Leslie Hartsough. Then the Methodists found their own place of worship in Faust's Hall-an unfinished hayloft over a livery stable. Soon the Methodist Rocky Mountain Seminary, established as the Salt Lake Seminary in 1870, offered instruction in sciences, languages, music, and art.30 In 1875 the First United Methodist Church dedicated a $72,000 church on Third South, described by the Salt Lake Tribune as "the most magnif-icent church building in the Rocky mountain^."^^ Within the Presbyterian church at Second South and Second East streets emerged the Presbyterian Preparatory School, which offered classes from kindergarten through high school. Eventually the school enrolled high school graduates in the Salt Lake Collegiate Institute-sixty- three of them by 1875-and later divided and evolved into Westminster C~llege.'E~m igration Creek wound through the south end of the shady campus on Seventeenth South and Thirteenth East streets. Though vastly outnumbered, the Protestants in the valley shared missionary zeal with their Mormon neighbors, adopting a policy of vigorous proselyting. The ministers within the Utah Territory found themselves in the interesting position of supporting their congrega-tions through personal fundraising in the East. Tales of polygamy and political autocracy shook donations loose in ways that reports of befriending the Mormons never could. Then, with monies ensured, the ministers returned to their valley homes and the tensions there. In June 1866, Father Edward Keller took an option on a lot in downtown Salt Lake City with plans to build the first Roman Catholic church in Utah. Despite problems over title, in 1871 a church was dedicated. Named for Mary Magdalene and affectionately called St. Mary's, it replaced the original adobe structure used for worship." In 1873 Father Lawrence Scanlan arrived as pastor of the Salt Lake Parish, with about ninety parishioners in Salt Lake City and Ogden and over seven hundred scattered throughout the territory. Unlike the Protestant ministers, Scanlon courted the friendship of the Mormons. Two years after his arrival, he welcomed the Sisters of the Congregation of the Holy Cross from Indiana who would prove dynamic in improving the health and social conditions for valley cit-i z e n ~ . ~ ~ Salt Lake City's relative sophistication drew Jewish settlers, as well, who numbered around seventy in the 1860s. The community grew in relative harmony, for the Jews adopted a tolerant posture toward the Mormons who believed themselves to be spiritual descen-dants of the children of Israel and who identified with the Jews as a persecuted people. In 1881 the Congregation B'nai Israel was founded and the Congregation Montefiore in 1899.35 In 1870 the mind as well as the soul received solicitous attention when the first mental hospital was erected where Saint Mary of the Wasatch would later stand at about Ninth South and 2400 East streets. The Salt Lake City Insane Asylum was directed by the city physician, Dr. Seymour B. Young, who became probably the terri-tory's first graduate of an eastern medical school. Young purchased the property in 1878 and ran a humane and gracefully arranged hos-pital known as "The White House on the Hill," with its gables and porches. Vegetable, wheat, and flower gardens skirted long driveways, and the institution maintained a herd of cattle as well as chickens and pigs. Although some windows were barred, many patients were allowed to roam the gardens and cultivate the land.36E lizabeth Riter Young, the doctor's wife, purchased hospital supplies, sewed clothes for the women patients, and oversaw meals for patients, staff, and vis-itors. Some patients were even nursed in the Young household which encompassed their own dozen children. The hospital also housed the criminally insane among the hundred patients considered full capa~ity.'~ As the eventful 1860s ended, two events ensued as crucial as Brigham Young's decision to boycott non-Mormon merchants. Railroad ties were banged together in Promontory, Utah, spanning the nation, and the Cullom Anti-Polygamy Bill was introduced in Congress. The first brought the world's peoples to the Salt Lake Valley in ever increasing numbers. The second heralded an era of stern, even cantankerous, federal control. Together they ensured that valley life would never again be the same. Despite the inevitable changes it would bring, Brigham Young encouraged the advent of the railroad just as he had the telegraph. He supported petitions to Congress and purchased $5,000 in stock in the Union Pacific Railroad Company, hoping to gain influence for the Saints; however, the transcontinental railroad bypassed Salt Lake City for Ogden to the north. Young did not attend the historic cere-mony 10 May 1869 at Promontory to witness the driving of the golden spike. Instead rails almost flew into the grade of the Mormon-owned Utah Central Railroad, stretching south from Ogden to Salt Lake City, so that by 1870 the capital county was linked to the nation. Brigham Young drove the final spike before a cheering crowd of 15,000 persons in Salt Lake City.)' The line continued south as the Utah Southern Railroad, transforming towns such as Murray and Sandy on its way. Young and his sons became prodigious railroad builders, their lines crisscrossing three-fourths of the territory. The "Great" was dropped from Salt Lake City's name in 1868, though the city, in fact, had grown greater. Adding unparalleled ele-gance was the Salt Lake Theatre, constructed by LDS leaders in 186 1-62 at First South and State streets. Brigham Young declared himself "designer and general dictator of the whole affair"39 and had his rocking chair placed in the center of the front row when the gold and cream-colored theater was finished. Architect William H. Folsom was supervising architect of the structure, graced by galleries, front boxes, and proscenium. Virtually every star of the American stage appeared there including Sarah Bernhardt, Ethel, John, and Lionel Barrymore, P.T. Barnum, Maude Adams, Edwin Booth, "Buffalo Bill" Cody, A1 Jolson, and Lillian Russell. The building's demolition during the modernization of the 1920s left a gaping hole in the city's architecture as well as in the cultural life of the c~mrnunity.~~ Salt Lake City's original plan had not identified a business dis-trict; one had sprung up as retailers entered the valley. With the advent of mining, additional commercial buildings, hotels, banks, and mansions clustered downtown. Railroad tracks now multiplied west of the city center, and a "west side" spontaneously developed around and beyond them.41 Candles cupped by metal provided the first streetlights, later replaced by gaslights. The Salt Lake City Gas Works Company was organized in 1872, with Mayor Daniel H. Wells, also a member of the LDS First Presidency, as company president. Wells's triple status "pre-sumably simplified matters when his company applied for a franchise and negotiated a contract to provide lighting for city streets."42 In 1873 the Mormon church took over the new Salt Lake Street Railway Company with Brigham Young as president. "No smoking" signs were posted in the mule-drawn cars that soon ran on rails to all parts of the city. Within a decade, the company's fourteen cars drawn by eighty-four mules traversed nine miles of track. One popular line carried health-seekers to Wasatch Springs at the north end of the city. The Mormon control over the city's infrastructure aided religious goals, including the hauling of the granite temple blocks to Temple Sq~are.~' Young's family remained the Mormon model in elite society. Construction began on a mansion known as Amelia's Palace, named for Young's youngest wife, Amelia Folsom Young. This rivaled the finest of the non-Mormon mansions emerging along South Temple Street, with its use of marble and imported woods. Intended as a res-idence for church presidents and a center of hospitality, the mansion's destiny would be quite different. Only John Taylor, Young's successor, would live there, and then only sporadically. Sold to non-Mormons and known as the Gardo House, the mansion continued to host ele-gant society until its inglorious demolition and replacement by a fed-eral bank." The University of Deseret moved several times and suffered lapses in funding and activity during those decades. As early as 1869, it offered classes to both genders. Young women were encouraged by Brigham Young to prepare to work as "bookkeepers, accountants, clerks, cashiers, tellers, payers, telegraphic operators, reporters, and fill other branches of employment suited to their sex."45 In 1870 the Timpanogos Branch, a school functioning in Provo, was adopted by the University of Deseret, but it separated into the Brigham Young Academy a few years later. Despite the Mormon dominance in valley life, non-Mormons gained significant strength by the 1870s. Shortly before the railroad came, only seven hundred non-Mormons were counted among the valley's 1 1,000 residents. By 1874 the non-Mormon population tripled, comprising a full quarter of the valley's residents." While a numerical minority, this group included most of the valley's wealthy citizens, and they paid half of Salt Lake City's budget through taxes.47 The merchants who had survived the boycotts now recouped their losses, while mining magnates and investors flourished. As mansions and luxurious homes appeared not only along South Temple Street but on the benches and at the mouths of canyons, the non-Mormons' evident wealth was resented by the majority. Some merchants brought their families to the valley and made lasting contributions, but others proved entirely opportunis-tic. Non-Mormons held separate celebrations on holidays such as the Fourth of July, and neighborhoods developed based on religious affil-iation. Most non-Mormons lived in the southern and western por-tions near downtown while Mormons lived to the north and east. Between Third and Sixth South and Main Street and Third West streets, one-third of the residents were n~n-Mormon.~~ Elections highlighted the split in the populace. In Sandy, for instance, when prominent Mason Robert Baskin of the Liberal Party ran for congressional delegate against Apostle George Q. Cannon of the People's Party, his supporters paused outside nearly every Mormon home. There they offered three cheers for Baskin and three groans for Cann~n."~ When the election came, "non-Mormons and Mormons came to blows outside the voting booths. Mormon John Sharp was severely beaten and might have been killed but for the intervention of William Hiskey." A conductor on the Utah Central Railroad, Hiskey arrived with the northbound train and, "armed with two six-shoot-ers, dispersed the crowd in all directions." Though armed men lay in wait for Hiskey for several days, "the conductor's prudence matched his courage and he took care not to be a~ailable.''~~ Perhaps in a climate so polarized, it was inevitable that a pro-gressive group emerge. Mormons such as William Godbe and Edward Tullidge and a dozen others encouraged the church leaders to welcome mining and other "outside" enterprises and abandon the policy of retrenchment. The Godbeites, as they quickly became known, were summarily excommunicated for arguing with Young's economic policies but became an important liaison between sides. Godbe's freelance lobbying in Washington, in fact, helped to forestall the imposition of a military solution to the "Utah problem." Locally, their main contribution came through establishing the Mormon Tribune, soon renamed the Salt Lake Tribune. From the start, the Tribune energized the journalistic dialogue in the valley by challenging the church organ, the Deseret News. Neither newspaper was subtle nor overly concerned about libel litigation, and the issues of the day raged in their columns. Within a few years, the Tribune's leadership went from the hands of conflicted Mormons to those of anti-Mormons, and it became a vitriolic opponent of Young and all things LDS. "To the publishers of the Tribune during the 1873-83 decade, objectivity was a vice not to be tolerated in news columns, editorials, or correspondence from readers," commented a Tribune hist~ry.~' Overall, the American press favored vigor and color over factual reporting, and the Utah papers followed the trend. Founded the same year, 1872, the Salt Lake Herald echoed the Tribune's viewpoint. The Deseret News, the valley veteran, found support from its spin-off, The Daily Telegraph. The News itself, in keeping with the church's policy of adopting a position of superior virtue, often ignored the Tribune's diatribes and let the Telegraph fight back. Still, its own combative reports and editorials appeared regularly, stiff with outrage and righteous indignation. The newspapers echoed the political parties that had developed around the same polarity. In 1870 non-Mormons gained a political voice as the Liberal Party joined the recently formed Independent Party and nominated a delegate to Congress. In response the Mormons organized the majority People's Party. While the Liberal Party stood no chance of victory in electoral politics, it kept issues alive both locally and nationally. A tidbit from an 1876 issue of the Tribune illustrated the polarization, for it described the People's ticket as "a Priesthood city ticket" comprised of "1 President of the Church, 1 Apostle, 2 Bishops, 3 Bishops' Counselors, 2 sons-in-law of Brigham Young, and Brigham's private se~retary."~~ The local split grew with debate in Washington around the Cullom Anti-Polygamy bill co-authored by Robert N. Baskin (who would serve as mayor of Salt Lake City and as chief justice of the Territorial Supreme Court) and his fellow Mason, Reuben Roberts~nT.h~e~ R adical Republicans in Congress considered several ways to bring Utah into line, including dismembering the territory, reducing the power of the Mormon-controlled probate courts, and passing the Cullom Bill to augment the Morrill law which had been easily circumvented. While a minority of rank-and-file Mormons practiced plural marriage, a majority of leaders from bishops to the prophet did, and thus it was highly visible in Salt Lake County. Despite lurid tales of harems, the erotic aspect was officially discouraged; still, a certain amount of courting took place both in private and in public. This scandalized non-Mormons while Mormons argued it was a more honest and godly practice than the indulgences they attributed to non-Mormons such as taking a mistress or patronizing prostitutes. Family life probably varied at least as much in polygamy as in its more popular American cousin, monogamy. Some plural families shared one roof; in others each wife had her own dwelling and the husband rotated between them. Some men accepted "the principle" but stopped with a second wife, perhaps marrying sisters as insur-ance his wives would get along. Some men added wives who other-wise would have no home; others chose maidens in the bloom of Young women volunteered to marry Andrew Wood Cooley, for instance, the youthful bishop of the Brighton Ward west of the Jordan River. Cooley and his brothers had joined the gold rush, but Andrew converted to Mormonism and stayed in the Salt Lake Valley when his brothers traveled on. His wife never came west. In 1866 he married Mary Asenath Huntington who had crossed the plains as a six-year-old and whose polygamous family was close to the Youngs and Kimballs. A daughter was born the year following their marriage." Apparently Rachel Caroline Coon, who had grown up in polygamy, instigated Cooley's plural status. This "vivacious, dark-haired, oval-faced, and blue-eyedns6t wenty-year-old was known as a natural leader, a daughter of Abraham Coon, whose enterprises near the West Mountains inspired the naming of Coonville, Coon Canyon, and Coon Peak. Rachel enlisted her best friend, twenty-four-year-old Mary Jane Jenkins, in the plot. When, as a ten-year-old, Jenkins had emigrated from England, she was hidden from Indians visiting the wagon train for fear her long, red tresses would prove a dangerous curiosity. One day the two young women visited their friend Mary Cooley and somehow suggested that she share her husband with them. Descendants were left to imagine Mary's initial reaction, but no doubt it was influenced by Andrew's position as bishop as well as by the beliefs of all concerned. Andrew began courting Rachel Coon first, then Mary Jane Jenkins. The friends, "radiant and gowned in white," married Andrew Cooley in February 1868 in the Endowment House "for time and for all eternit~."'A~s they approached the altar, Rachel offered the position of second wife to her friend; equally accommodating, Mary Jane shortened her name to Jane so as not to be confused with Mary. Andrew Cooley's fourth wife, Ann Hazen, was offered to him by her father who felt she paid excessive attention to a non-Mormon fel-low working on the railroad. "How long Andrew mulled the request is unknown, but his answer was affirmative, and so was Brigham Young's. Andrew's wives all knew and loved Ann though they had a little reservation about her being only fifteen years old."58 Separate portraits taken of Andrew with each wife showed the bearded patri-arch and Mary seated side by side; Jane, Rachel, and Ann posed in turn beside his chair, each with a hand resting on his shoulder.59 The Cooley family offered only one example of the ways in which polygamy redistributed affections and sometimes allowed women greater independence through sisterly support. Statistics suggested that polygamous mothers bore fewer offspring than their monoga-mous counterparts, yet the system still contributed to rapid growth-one of its purposes. Divorces were fairly common and granted by the church6'; some who upheld the principle described it as their reli-gion's sternest test, and therefore its most exalted. For many genera-tions hence, numerous people in Salt Lake County would be linked by familial ties as descendants of large polygamous families. When the Cullom Bill passed the House of Representatives, protests erupted throughout the Salt Lake Valley. The new turtle-backed Tabernacle on Temple Square, completed at an equivalent cost of $300,000 only a few years earlier, now rang with speeches and resolutions. Women in polygamy staged their own protest meeting, drawing educated and eloquent speakers such as Eliza R. Snow, pres-ident of the Relief Society auxiliary which had been reorganized for the first time since Nauvoo. Snow, a plural wife of Joseph Smith and now of Brigham Young, described polygamy "not as servitude or vas-salage, but as a divinely ordained partner~hip."~' Non-Mormons and Godbeites were less united in favor of the bill than Mormons were against it. Participants at one meeting in February 1870, at the Masonic Hall, debated modifying the bill. "There were differences of opinion among the Gentiles, and even among the Masons, as to what methods of procedure should be employed in handling matters of public policy. . . ."62 Certainty was growing in Washington, D.C., however, where President Ulysses S. Grant coordinated the effort to quash Mormon influence. He sent J. Wilson Shaffer as territorial governor and James B. McKean as chief justice of the Territorial Supreme Court with orders to wrest Mormon power from the probate courts and the Nauvoo Legion and to battle polygamy. Nauvoo Legion units drilled in defiance of Shaffer's orders, and arrests were made, but Mormon juries refused to indict. Polygamy, however, was another matter. "Virtually unhampered by due process, McKean quickly procured a number of important indictments" against visible Mormons, including one charging Brigham Young with lascivious cohabitation. Actually McKean viewed this indictment as a test of "Federal Authority Against Polygamic Theo~racy."~~ Forcing the "Lion of the Lord" to defend himself in court invited spectacle; however, Young not only "refused to roar but also hired the best gentile attorneys and turned away wrath by mild and co-opera-tive demean~r."M~e~an while, the People's Party prevailed at the polls, and Mormon lobbyists pleaded their cause to a national audience. The Cullom Bill failed to pass the United States Senate. Given this victory in Washington despite the increasing hassles at home, LDS leaders may have underestimated the federal govern-ment's determination. In another effort to prove loyalty, the ghost State of Deseret disbanded and let its constitution gather dust. The territorial assembly granted suffrage to women in 1870, joining Wyoming in this reform well ahead of most of the nation; however, since the vote allowed Mormon women to support the LDS system including polygamy, suffrage in Utah was not viewed by non- Mormons as entirely progre~sive.~~ Optimistically, in 1872 the territory sent Congress another bid for statehood. The petition found a cold reception. The valley's urban centers, described as "one large mining camp," were linked by State Street, which extended south to the Point of the Mountain. The agricultural town of Murray called it String Street and then, as locals turned to mining and additional miners swarmed in, Gold Street. The town's name, too, evolved-from South The farming town of Sandy was transformed by the Utah Southern Railroad, built by Brigham Young and his sons, and by mining interests in the nearby canyons. Here, Main Street is shown in 188 1. Cottonwood to Franklyn, named for a new smelter. Then, when the Utah Southern Railway brought enough growth to justify a post office, the town became the namesake of territorial governor Eli Murray, an unpopular choice." As six smelters appeared in the farm-ing community, increasing smoke and fumes began to chase the meadowlarks from the skies. Sandy City to the south became an important and diversified hub. Young christened the town in 1873 for its thirsty soil as he ded-icated the railroad station.67 (Some wondered if engineer Sandy Kinghorn had gained a namesake.) The town began as a farming settlement; land was cheaper and more plentiful in the south valley than around the capital and was enriched by Big and Little Cottonwood creeks and several streams. In the 1860s, even before the railroad came, Sandy felt the impact of silver mining at Alta in Little Cottonwood Canyon. The farming town below changed to suit the clientele, for on their days off, "the miners hit the town, patronizing Sandy's many hotels, boarding houses, saloons, and brothels."68 The railroad eased the task of both the miners and the granite Alta, in Little Cottonwood Canyon, was a substantial silver mining town as shown here in 1873. (Utah State Historical Society) cutters, who worked lower in the canyon. Railroad cars gradually replaced ox-drawn wagons in hauling granite, and rails soon climbed the canyon to the mine. "Two mules pulled the railroad cars up the mountain . . . in single file walking in the middle of the track. When they reached Alta, the engineer turned the mules loose and young men herded them down the canyon. . . ."69 Alta itself became a bustling town by the end of the 1870s, boast-ing between eight and nine thousand residents who were accommo-dated by "more than twenty-six saloons, 180 houses, five breweries, hotels, stores, and even a city hall."70 So rich was the ore, that it was worth sending halfway around the world for processing. After oxen bore it down the canyon and rails sped it to San Francisco, the ore was then loaded onto ships for the voyage around Cape Horn to Wales for processing. After the Emma silver mine was exhausted, the silver market shrank, and a rash of fires and avalanches wreaked destruction, Alta's population declined ~ignificantly.~' Sandy was also a significant supply station and transportation link for the Bingham Canyon mines. Virtually all ores extracted from the canyons during the 1860s went through Sandy, then crossed the Atlantic Ocean to Wales. The depot became the town's heart and train whistles its voice even after valley smelters localized ore refin-ing, employing hundreds of local men. "Crates of commercial prod-ucts rolled down the gangplanks of boxcars while slant-bellied ore cars shunted busily through the web of tracks linking the samplers, smelters, and farther destination^."^' Like Alta, Bingham sprang up around mines and claimed no sta-ble core of farmers and townspeople. Even before the railroad reached the south valley, the mines produced nearly $900,000 of gold alone, as well as silver, copper, and lead, for a total worth of more than $2 million. Then Hugh White conceived the idea for the Bingham and Garfield Railway Line, linking the mines to the Utah Southern Railroad in Sandy and extending south to Camp Floyd. Prominent non-Mormons including Baskin and the Walker brothers participated in its $300,000 inc~rporation.~~ Linked by rail to refiners and markets both local and distant, Bingham boomed, accruing a startling collection of houses, shacks, and tents along the narrow canyon walls, soon interspersed by a rib-ald collection of boarding houses, hotels, saloons, and brothels. The canyon creek ran through town, providing culinary water and bear-ing away garbage. For decades Bingham held a reputation as a law unto itself. Between 1870 and 1880, a dozen cases of murder or manslaughter were reported in the newspapers, "most the result of dispensation of frontier justice that was upheld by mining camp common law."74 Some sought water in the southwest valley just as intently as the Binghamites sought precious ores. Both a lack of irrigation water and Indian hostilities had slowed growth south and west, despite forts throughout the region. In the 1860s, Riverton developed as an out-growth of South Jordan, and, in the 1880s, Bluffdale developed along the bluffs above the Jordan River as an extension of West Jordan. From 1861 to 1867, West Jordan residents worked on the Rock Meeting House, notable since it was built from neither logs nor adobe. It became a gathering place for settlements in the south val-ley on both sides of the river and was later renamed Pioneer Plans for canals had circulated throughout the 1850s, and Young Bingham grew along the sides of a canyon that was later consumed by the huge open-pit copper mine in the early 1970s. (Utah State Historical Society). ceremoniously broke ground; but the move south as Johnston's Army advanced had halted the grading, and progress was slow thereafter. North Jordan Canal's original channel that supplied water to Archibald Gardner's mill in West Jordan was extended into Granger in 1877.76 By then Salt Lake County had begun an eight-year, $70,000 pro-ject to provide a series of canals flowing north from a dam at Jordan Narrows near the outlet of Utah Lake, despite opposition from Utah County. Canal digging became a major enterprise, and farmers earned their water rights by digging sections through their lands either with picks and shovels or with horse-drawn scrapers. South Jordan Canal was excavated between 1870 and 1875, and the Utah and Salt Lake Canal progressed, delivering Hunter its first water in 188 1. Meanwhile, the Brighton and North Point Canal snaked across the river bottoms, bringing water to struggling farms on the alkali-plagued flats south of the Great Salt Lake.77 With the end of the Black Hawk War to the south, relations with Indian tribes eased in the valley, and migrating groups remained a common sight. One camping ground lay at about 13400 South and 1900 West, where poplar trees shaded the tents and tepees, and ponies grazed on the grasses. "While camped here, they went begging for flour, sugar, and other foodstuffs; everything except meat," one settler recorded. "From their homes in the South Mountains, they trailed down in their small wagons pulled by two little ponies. . . . We could see them coming, a little trail of dust." '' The railroad station in Draper became the place for Indian fam-ilies to pick up their government allotments of several hundred pounds of coal. A tannery and shoe shop complemented the required co-op store in town, and the Old White Meetinghouse hosted all manner of public gatherings, including a village school taught by Dr. John R. Park. Unusually well educated for a public school teacher in that place and time, Park received the monthly wage of $60, with thirds of that sum paid in cash, wheat, and potatoes. "That was above average pay in those days but Dr. Park was worth it," a Draper history com-mented." Park's students included adults as well as children, for many settlers hungered for knowledge. His fame as an educator spread. He served as president of the University of Deseret, and his name later graced the administration building at the University of Utah. As early as 185 1, people flocked to the shores of the Great Salt Lake to sun, picnic, and float on the briny waves. Here, a group poses at Black Rock Beach where Heber C. Kimball's home preceded several luxurious resorts. (LDS Church Archives) Perhaps nothing during Salt Lake County's embattled decades presented a greater contrast to the fervor of political extremes and to the dusty labor of mining and agriculture than the delights available on the shores of the Great Salt Lake. Beginning with Heber C. Kimball's house erected on Black Rock beach, valley residents eagerly combined comfort with the pleasures of sun, sand, and salty waves. The Lake Side resort erected in 1870 by John W. Young, one of Brigham's railroad-building sons, monopolized the fun for several years. While the beaches provided the main attraction, a three-decked steamship, the City of Corinne (named for a non-Mormon town to the north), offered luxurious sailing for 25 cents. Affluent Salt Lakers enjoyed dinner then dancing on deck, while waves splashed and rip-pled below.'O In 1875 after future president James A. Garfield took a cruise, the ship's name became the General Garfield and its base changed to Lake Point, a competing resort that featured more than one hundred new bathhouses and a small pavilion. Now for the higher price of $1.50, tourists could take a two-hour, twenty mile cruise on the lake and perhaps spot the buffalo herd that grazed on Antelope Island just for the sightseers' delight. The splendors of Garfield Beach raised the ante. Its tri-towered pavilion rose from pilings fifteen feet above the water and three hun-dred feet from shore, and offered afternoon concerts, fine dining, and dancing. Nearby awaited such vigorous amusements as a race track, shooting gallery, bowling alleys, and boats for hire." During the last three years of the 1870s, organized baseball attracted many fans, for at least seventeen teams played throughout the county. The Deserets and the Red Stockings were the best known clubs and challenged teams from outside the territ~ry.B'~e tting and boisterousness became problems at some games, and the sport hov-ered at the edge of respectability. Before one game, the Salt Lake Tribune promised its readers: "Ladies may rest assured that nothing improper will be permitted on the ground^."'^ Baseball, in fact, was the pleasant pastime of boys on the Deseret Baseball Grounds, located above the north wall of Salt Lake City on the day the world seemed to end. At 5 P.M. on Wednesday, 5 April 1876, a huge explosion rocked the valley, heard from Farmington to the north to Bingham Canyon to the south. Five hundred tons of rock flew through the air, killing and injuring residents as boulders ripped through homes and businesses, and thousands of windows shattered throughout downtown Salt Lake City. One Civil War vet-eran would pronounce the capital city more devastated by the blast than Fredericksburg had been after a month's b~mbardment.~' An earthquake!-a volcano?-Connor's troops firing cannons on the city?-the end of the world! All these conclusions were reached during the shocked moments after the blast. Ballplayers who had not been knocked unconscious raced excitedly into the city with the news: three powder magazines near the Nauvoo Legion's arsenal on Arsenal Hill had exploded. As residents crept up the hill toward the epicenter, they discov-ered feet still in shoes and other human parts amid the devastation. Two teenagers, Charles Richardson and Frank Hill, had been killed at the site. Flying boulders had also killed three-year-old Joseph H. Raddon, as he played with other children in his yard, and Mary Jane Early Salt Lake City looking north up present day State Street toward The Beehive House, Arsenal Hill, and Ensign Peak. (LDS Church Archives) Van Natta, a pregnant woman pumping water on the other side of the hill. Several elegant homes from Warm Springs to the mouth of City Creek Canyon were virtually destroyed? LDS general conference proceeded in the Tabernacle that week-end, even though nearly one thousand panes had shattered on the north side of the building. Although cloth was nailed over the open-ings, the interior remained so chilly that Brigham Young caught a severe cold and was unable to attend the remaining sessions.86 Investigation showed that target shooting was popular on Arsenal Hill, and a burning paper wad fired from a gun had ignited loose power on the ground near the ammunition magazines and sparked the explosion. The magazines were owned by DuPont, ZCMI, and the Walker Brothers and located fifteen to twenty feet apart. A DuPont official testified that he had complained earlier about target practice on the hill, but to no avail. The explosion was widely reported throughout the United States and in Great Britain; even as Salt Lake City officials removed explo-sives to a safer site, other cities evaluated the locations and conditions of their own powder warehouses. Slowly the valley began to recover from this catastrophe so immense that the Deseret News predicted that time henceforth would be reckoned from the date of the expl~sion.~' A century, however, would lose remembrance of the Arsenal Hill disaster. A more distinct turning point came with the last breath of Brigham Young, drawn in August 1877. The death of the man known as the great colonizer also received national and international cover-age, for the Salt Lake Valley had drawn the world's increasing atten-tion and participation in both eager and hostile ways during the 1860s-70s. The valley had become more than a traveler's waystation, a Mormon's mecca, a sightseer's curiosity, an entrepreneur's mother-lode. Its ores now fed a metal-hungry world and increasingly attracted new populations; its politics enlivened newspapers on both coasts, and its issues were debated in Congress. Meanwhile its com-merce multiplied and varied, supporting both society and culture. Past and future crystallized in Young's obituaries. He was memo-rialized rather kindly in the national media, dearly mourned as the "Lion of the Lord" in the Deseret News and vilified in the Salt Lake Tribune, which announced that "the most graceful act of his life has been his From the north city wall to the outlying settlements, much of the valley bore mute witness to Young's organization, leadership, and foresight, but the canyon mines, the frequent train whistles, and the Tribune's editorials predicted the future. When Brigham died in the valley that his hand had designated, his vision largely lived on-but none of the issues he had confronted died with him. 1. Richard Burton, City of the Saints and Across the Rocky Mountains to California (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1862), 219. 2. Rosa Vida Black, Under Granger Skies: History of Granger 1849-1 963 (Salt Lake City: Granger Stake Relief Society, 1963), 2. 3. Thomas G. Alexander and James B. Allen, Mormons and Gentiles: A History of Salt Lake City (Boulder, Colorado: Pruett Publishing Co., 1984) 66. 4. Ibid., 5595. 5. Deseret, 1 7761 976: A Bicentennial Illustrated History of Utah by the Deseret News (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Publishing Co., 1975), 11 1. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid. 8. Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, 56-57. 9. Charles S. Peterson, Utah: A History (New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 1977), 80. lo. Ibid. 1 1. John S. McCormick, Salt Lake City: The Gathering Place (Woodland Hills, California: Windsor Publications, 1980), 35. 12. Leonard J. Arrington, "Banking in Utah," Utah History Encyclopedia, Allan Kent Powell, ed. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1994), 29. 13. Ibid. 14. Leonard J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958), 173. 15. Ibid., 174. 16. T.B.H. Stenhouse, The Rocky Mountain Saints (New York, 1873), 623-24. This story is quoted in O.N. Malmquist, The First 100 Years: A History of the Salt Lake Tribune, 1871-1 971 (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 197 I), 15-1 6. 17. Peterson, Utah, 65. 18. Jack Goodman, "Jews in Zion," in Peoples of Utah, Helen Z. Papanikolas, ed. (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1976), 194. 19. Peterson, Utah, 87. 20. Ronald G. Coleman, "Blacks in Utah History: An Unknown Legacy," Peoples of Utah, 122. 21. Ibid. 22. Peterson, Utah, 87-88. Peterson credits the policy of "superior virtue" to Howard R. Lamar, "Statehood for Utah: A Different Path," Utah Historical Quarterly 39 (1971): 3 16. 23. Peterson, Utah, 65-67. 24. Jay E. Powell, "Fairness in the Salt Lake County Probate Court," Utah Historical Quarterly 38 (1970): 257. 25. Deseret, 1776-1976, 190. 26. Bruce L. Campbell arrd Eugene E. Campbell, "Early Cultural and Intellectual Development," in Utah's History, Richard D. Poll et al., eds. (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1989), 3 1 1. 27. Gordon and Mary Paulson Harrington, "Congregationalism in Utah," in Utah History Encyclopedia, 11 1-12. 28. Mary R. Clark, "Rowland Hall-St. Mark's School: Alternative Education for More than a Century," Utah Historical Quarterly 48 (1980): 273-78. 29. Ibid. 30. The United Methodist Church: The First Century of the Methodist Church in Utah (Salt Lake City: Utah Methodism Centennial Committee, 1970), 11-13,66. 31. Ibid., 14. 32. Lynn and Hope Hilton, "Westminster College," Utah History Encyclopedia, 633. 33. Bernice Maher Mooney and Jerome C. Stoffel, eds., Salt of the Earth: The History of the Catholic Diocese of Salt Lake City, 1776-1 987 (Salt Lake City: Catholic Diocese of Utah, 1987), 4 1. 34. Ibid., 57. 35. Hynda Rudd, "Congregation Kol Ami: Religious Merger in Salt Lake City," in Western States Jewish Historical Quarterly 10 (1978): 321. 36. Daughters of the Utah Pioneers, cornp., Tales of a Triumphant People: A History of Salt Lake County, Utah, 1847-1 900 (Salt Lake City: Stevens & Wallis Press, 1947), 62. 37. Kate B. Carter, comp., Heart Throbs of the West, 12 vols. (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1939), 1: 327-29. In this volume, Seymour B. Young, Jr., elaborates on the lifework of his parents in running the first mental hospital in the territory. 38. Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, 72. 39. Ronald W. Walker and Alexander M. Starr, "Shattering the Vase: The Razing of the Old Salt Lake Theatre," Utah Historical Quarterly 57 (1989): 66. 40. Ibid., 67-73. 4 1. John S. McCormick, The Historic Buildings of Downtown Salt Lake City (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1976), 1-19. 42. John S. McCormick, The Power to Make Good Things Happen: The History of Utah Power and Light Company (Salt Lake City: Utah Power and Light Company, 1990), 2-3. 43. Ibid., 27-28. 44. Paul Goeldner, Utah Catalog: Historic American Buildings Survey (Salt Lake City: Utah Heritage Foundation, 1969), 32. 45. Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, 74. 46. McCormick, Salt Lake City, 35. 47. Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, 92. 48. McCormick, Salt Lake City, 37. 49. Martha Sonntag Bradley, Sandy City (Sandy: Sandy City Corp., 1993), 36-37. 50. Ibid. 5 1. Malmquist, First 100 Years, 4 1. 52. McCormick, Salt Lake City, 37. 53. John Elliott Clark and Frederick William Hanson, The History of Wasatch Lodge Number One Free and Accepted Masons of Utah, 1866-1 966 (Salt Lake City: N.p., 1966), 14-1 5. 54. For an extensive treatment, see Richard Van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy: A History (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1986); Jessie L. Embry, Mormon Polygamous Families: Life in the Principle (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987); B. Carmon Hardy, The Mormon Polygamous Passage (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992); and Samuel W. Taylor, Family Kingdom (New York: McGraw-Hill, 195 1). 55. Myrtle Stevens Hyde and Everett L. Cooley, The Life of Andrew Wood Cooley (Provo: Andrew Wood Cooley Family Association, 1991), 18-34. 56. Ibid., 37. 57. Ibid., 40. 58. Ibid., 46. 59. These portraits and other photographs are included in the Andrew Wood Cooley family history. 60. For a thorough discussion, see Eugene E. Campbell and Bruce L. Campbell, "Divorce among Mormon Polygamists: Extent and Explanations," Utah Historical Quarterly 46 ( 1978), 4-23. 61. Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, 77. 62. Clark and Hanson, History of Wasatch Lodge, 14-1 5. 63. Peterson, Utah, 93. 64. Ibid. 65. For a thorough treatment of these dynamics, see Lola Van Wagenen, "In Their Own Behalf: The Politicization of Mormon Women in the 1870 Franchise," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 24 (1989): 3 1-43. 66. G. Wesley Johnson and David Schirer, Between the Cottonwoods: Murray City in Transition (Salt Lake City and Provo: Timpanogos Research Associations, 199 1 ), 1 1. 67. Bradley, Sandy City, 8-9. 68. Ibid., 21. 69. Ibid., 20. 70. Ibid., 2 1-22. 7 1. Ibid. 72. Ibid., 29. 73. Richard W. Sadler, "Impact of Mining on Salt Lake City," Utah Historical Quarterly 47 ( 1979): 24 1. 74. Lynn R. Bailey, Old Reliable: A History of Bingham Canyon, Utah (Tucson, Arizona: Westernlore Press, 1988), 72. 75. Glen Moosman, "West Jordan," Utah History Encyclopedia, 63 1. 76. Ibid. 77. Michael J. Gorrell, The History of West Valley City: 1848-1990 (West Valley City: West Valley City Civic Committee, 1993), 2-3. 78. Melvin L. Bashore and Scott Crump, Riverton: The Story of a Utah Country Town (Riverton: Riverton Historical Society, 1994), 3-4. 79. Draper History (Draper: Draper First Ward, 1956), 12. 80. Nancy D. McCormick and John S. McCormick, Saltair (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1985), 4-5. 8 1. Ibid., 9-1 1. 82. Kenneth L. Cannon 11, "Deserets, Red Stockings, and Out-of- Towners: Baseball Comes of Age in Salt Lake City, 1877-79," in Utah Historical Quarterly 52 (1 984): 136. 83. Ibid., 138. 84. Melvin L. Bashore, "The 1876 Arsenal Hill Explosion," in Utah Historical Quarterly 52 (1 984): 24649. 85. Ibid. 86. Ibid., 250. 87. Ibid., 255. 88. Malmquist, First 100 Years, 46.